To do battle

In the `Ethics of War' AJ Coates describes four approaches to war: realism, which rejects notions of morality and sees war as a means to maintain the balance of power in international relations; militarism, which regards war as a creative and expressive act and approaches it with enthusiasm; pacifism, which rejects any use of war, and advocates only non-violent resistance; and just war theory, for which war is permissable, but only as an instrument of peace.

The principles which must be satisfied in just war thinking include: legitimate authority, just cause, proportionality, last resort, prospect of success, noncombatant immunity, and war must be a form of peacemaking.

Coates uses this framework for various purposes, for example defending the sinking of the Belgrano, British action in the Falklands/Malvinas, and British and US action in the Gulf war. Of more interest is how he uses it to oppose revolutionary action in general, and revolutionary struggle in Ireland in particular.

Coates argues that modern revolutionary ideology is overwhelmingly militaristic. It is enthusiastic for war, regarding it as an expressive, creative activity. Millions have paid with their lives as a consequence, he claims.

Coates equates class struggle with an anti-political militarist outlook, and dismisses the concept of structural or institutional violence, attributing to it a totalising effect on war. Finally, he denies legitimate authority to most revolutionary action, insisting on the public monopoly of force.

Coates' view of the war in Ireland relies heavly on Ruth Dudley Edwards ``The Triumph of Failure''. Accordingly he views 1916 as the vanguard action of a revolutionary minority acting without popular support, and regards Pearse's attitude to blood sacrifice as typical of the militarist view of war as an expressive rather than instrumental activity. Coates disapproves equally of today's republicians: the 1981 hunger strikes were an attempt by ``terrorists'' to claim legitimate authority, and affirm their right to war and the lawfulness of their actions.

Finally, while he accepts that the IRA is rooted in its community, with a complex web of support, he attributes this to an ambivalence about violence in the nationalist community which denounces IRA violence, but accepts the ``physical force'' tradition from which they spring.

Coates makes assumptions about morality which are never openly acknowledged. He thus presents his ideological position as natural and universal. But morality is neither universal nor natural. Morality is a set of standards by which a group or community decides to regulate its behaviour. ``Decides'' is crucial here: who decides? for whom? what interests are served?.

Coates decides that the routine deaths caused systematically by capitalism and imperialism are a tolerable evil, while the deaths caused through resistance and revolution are intolerable. He denies legitimate authority to revolutionary action, there is a public monopoly of the use of power, legitimate authority and coercive power are vested in a government on behalf of the political community over which it rules.

The problems with this are obvious: what community? who belongs to it? who defines it? control of the definition is decisive.

Once community is defined, how are power and authority to be allocated? This question pits democracy against other methods of allocating power: monarchy, dictatorship, majoritarianism, etc. Nationalism, which obscures other fundemental categories in the idea of nation, tends towards majoritarianism, republicanism, which rests on the ideas of equality, fraternity, liberty, tends towards democracy.

Coates' morality inevitably favours the political and economic system from which it springs, capitalism and imperialism. For Irish republicans, whose objective remains the socialist republic, our system of values will follow from our political analysis, whose tools are those of political economy, power, class.

Don't waste time reading this book; consider, instead, three connected ideas found in it: war and politics are continuous, different only in methodology. While continuing to wage war ``we must also make it easy for the enemy to accept defeat. We must tempt as well as compel'' (Churchill). A `negotiated peace' is often a euphemistic description of a coercive or imposed peace. (Coates) Interesting?

By `No Other Law'

A colourful world of wildlife

This is a beautiful book and anyone who has an interest in the environment and nature and who has kids should have a copy.

It is a very colourful book; it has beautiful colour photos of the animals, birds and insects that are examined in it and it has loads of activities that young readers can do.

That makes it a must for schools.

A really nice touch is the way the authors use quotes from people to reinforce the view that the environment and the world we live in does not belong to us human beings; that it belongs to the wildlife and nature equally.

It is that holistic attitude to the world that we should pass on to the next generation. We need to teach them to respect our world.

That sense of respecting the world and nature was summed up in the quotes from a Fr Jan Grzesica, who I know absolutely nothing about and Chief Seattle. Grzesica said, ``The exceptional position of man in the world of creation gives him no excuse for treating the world of nature in an absolute and irresponsible way''.

While Chief Seattle said ``you must teach the children that the world is sacred''.

However, the one person I do know of and who is quoted in the book is Richard Branson who says, ``we simply have to stop taking the earth for granted. It is, after all, the only home we've got''. I just can't deal with the idea of Branson - who for me epitomises that anti-people brand of market-led Thatcherite capitalism that puts money and profits before people - should be given any credence whatsoever in a book like this.

That said, the information about wildlife places to visit is really useful but should have ``crossed the border'' as it is only areas of natural beauty in the 26 Counties that are listed. Agus ba mhaith liom cuid eile gaelige a fheiceil sa leabhar.

By Peadar Whelan