6 June 1997 Edition
Three summers pass
Despite the flawed talks at Stormont Mícheál MacDonncha argues that the potential for change is massive
Since the IRA cessation of 31 August 1994 two summers have passed without real and substantial negotiations on the future of Ireland. A third summer will pass before the present flawed Stormont talks even start into an agenda.
On Tuesday the record 127,000 people who voted for Sinn Féin in the Six Counties on 1 May - most of whom came out also on 21 May to make historic gains for Sinn Féin in the council elections - were presented with the spectacle of their elected representatives being locked out of talks again.
``Sinn Féin is here to assert the rights of our electorate and the integrity of our democratic mandate which we have confirmed in two recent elections. We are here to make the point that the talks which are due to recommence today lack any credibility'' said Gerry Adams at the locked gates.
Ian Paisley and his DUP colleagues boycotted the opening day of the talks because they want the Forum in Belfast to meet first; they want to turn that body into a mini-Stormont and if the sectarian and sexist abuse they have hurled at other delegates is anything to go by they will do a good impression of that old institution.
David Trimble's party did go to the talks and they were at their posts bright and early - manning the decommissioning roadblock which stopped the peace process in its tracks in the early months of 1995, and which has kept it stationary since then. They're good at manning roadblocks as they showed last year when they staged a revolt across the Six Counties over Drumcree.
While the new British Secretary of State Mo Mowlam was warning of the urgent need to move on to substantive issues, the unionists were spinning the line to journalists that they were ``privately pessimistic'' and hinting that the talks would be adjourned at the end of June.
The more things change the more they stay the same? Not quite. In these past three years Sinn Féin has been the fastest growing political force on this island. Its peace strategy and its electoral growth has changed the political landscape. The night before the Stormont talks restarted a nationalist mayor was elected in Belfast for the first time ever. It was the increased Sinn Féin vote which made that possible. That the ``bastion of bigotry'', Belfact City Council, has now lost its unionist majority, is a development of massive proportions. Gerry Adams referred to this when he spoke after his party's exclusion from the talks:
``We are all living in changing times. Last night, because of the vision of Sinn Féin councillors, Belfast elected its first ever nationalist mayor. Everyone knows change is necessary. Change is ienvitable. The big question is how can that change be managed. In Sinn Féin's view it should be agreed and arrived at through inclusive negotiations.
``Equality is needed. It is not good enough for the British and Irish governments to say that the onus is on Sinn Féin, or to excuse the actions of British forces, or to turn a blind eye to the actions of loyalists. Clearly there are double standards.
``The two governments cannot dodge their responsibilites in this. So far what change has occurred has come about through the determination and courage of ordinary citizens.''
The next phase of change will be ushered in by Friday's general election. A new government will result and Sinn Féin will increase its vote significantly. There is every possibility that a Sinn Féin TD could be walking through the gates of Leinster House, after the votes are counted and when the power-brokering begins. Speaking at the party's final press conference before the election Gerry Adams said that in the event of the vote of a Sinn Féin TD being sought to elect a government his party would have a ``shopping list''. This would be based first on the needs of the constituency Sinn Féin will represent, second on the ``social and economic issues that press down on our communities'' and overall on the advance of the peace process. The two governments ``must put in place a meaningful and inclusive process of negotiations''.
As pointed out here last week the debate on the peace process during the general election was dominated by the parties' attitudes to Sinn Féin. Clearly Fine Gael lost the debate with Fianna Fáil being trusted by more voters to make a better fist of the peace process. John Bruton's mishandling of the process is widely recognised. Indeed Bruton's failure to oppose the British government and unionist decommissioning obstacle back in 1995 was one of the factors which led to the collapse of the peace process. That decommissioning obstacle is still central to the continued failure of the flawed talks which have resumed at Stormont.
But negotiations will happen. Unionism is on the defensive. Toryism has experienced its worst defeat in history. Sinn Féin is on the up and up North and South of the border. The potential for change is massive and republicans have shown that they above all can realise that potential.
Since the IRA cessation of 31 August 1994 two summers have passed without real and substantial negotiations on the future of Ireland. A third summer will pass before the present flawed Stormont talks even start into an agenda.
On Tuesday the record 127,000 people who voted for Sinn Féin in the Six Counties on 1 May - most of whom came out also on 21 May to make historic gains for Sinn Féin in the council elections - were presented with the spectacle of their elected representatives being locked out of talks again.
``Sinn Féin is here to assert the rights of our electorate and the integrity of our democratic mandate which we have confirmed in two recent elections. We are here to make the point that the talks which are due to recommence today lack any credibility'' said Gerry Adams at the locked gates.
Ian Paisley and his DUP colleagues boycotted the opening day of the talks because they want the Forum in Belfast to meet first; they want to turn that body into a mini-Stormont and if the sectarian and sexist abuse they have hurled at other delegates is anything to go by they will do a good impression of that old institution.
David Trimble's party did go to the talks and they were at their posts bright and early - manning the decommissioning roadblock which stopped the peace process in its tracks in the early months of 1995, and which has kept it stationary since then. They're good at manning roadblocks as they showed last year when they staged a revolt across the Six Counties over Drumcree.
While the new British Secretary of State Mo Mowlam was warning of the urgent need to move on to substantive issues, the unionists were spinning the line to journalists that they were ``privately pessimistic'' and hinting that the talks would be adjourned at the end of June.
The more things change the more they stay the same? Not quite. In these past three years Sinn Féin has been the fastest growing political force on this island. Its peace strategy and its electoral growth has changed the political landscape. The night before the Stormont talks restarted a nationalist mayor was elected in Belfast for the first time ever. It was the increased Sinn Féin vote which made that possible. That the ``bastion of bigotry'', Belfact City Council, has now lost its unionist majority, is a development of massive proportions. Gerry Adams referred to this when he spoke after his party's exclusion from the talks:
``We are all living in changing times. Last night, because of the vision of Sinn Féin councillors, Belfast elected its first ever nationalist mayor. Everyone knows change is necessary. Change is ienvitable. The big question is how can that change be managed. In Sinn Féin's view it should be agreed and arrived at through inclusive negotiations.
``Equality is needed. It is not good enough for the British and Irish governments to say that the onus is on Sinn Féin, or to excuse the actions of British forces, or to turn a blind eye to the actions of loyalists. Clearly there are double standards.
``The two governments cannot dodge their responsibilites in this. So far what change has occurred has come about through the determination and courage of ordinary citizens.''
The next phase of change will be ushered in by Friday's general election. A new government will result and Sinn Féin will increase its vote significantly. There is every possibility that a Sinn Féin TD could be walking through the gates of Leinster House, after the votes are counted and when the power-brokering begins. Speaking at the party's final press conference before the election Gerry Adams said that in the event of the vote of a Sinn Féin TD being sought to elect a government his party would have a ``shopping list''. This would be based first on the needs of the constituency Sinn Féin will represent, second on the ``social and economic issues that press down on our communities'' and overall on the advance of the peace process. The two governments ``must put in place a meaningful and inclusive process of negotiations''.
As pointed out here last week the debate on the peace process during the general election was dominated by the parties' attitudes to Sinn Féin. Clearly Fine Gael lost the debate with Fianna Fáil being trusted by more voters to make a better fist of the peace process. John Bruton's mishandling of the process is widely recognised. Indeed Bruton's failure to oppose the British government and unionist decommissioning obstacle back in 1995 was one of the factors which led to the collapse of the peace process. That decommissioning obstacle is still central to the continued failure of the flawed talks which have resumed at Stormont.
But negotiations will happen. Unionism is on the defensive. Toryism has experienced its worst defeat in history. Sinn Féin is on the up and up North and South of the border. The potential for change is massive and republicans have shown that they above all can realise that potential.