18 March 1999 Edition
Madrid cracks down on Basque independence
by Teresa Toda
If any week sums up what is going on in the Basque Country over the last few months and what underlies those events, that was last week, from Sunday 7 March to Sunday 14 March. On the morning of March 7, journalist Pepe Rei -who headed the investigative team of the closed down pro-independence daily Egin- was arrested by the Spanish police acting on orders of a well-know judge, Baltasar Garzón, who in close collaboration with the Spanish Home Ministry, is specialising in ``sensitive'' cases relating to pro-independence Basques, from ETA to political organisations. Rei was arrested on a diffuse charge of collaboration with the armed organisation ETA, deriving from the proceedings that led to the shut-down of Egin, eight months ago.
It was the first indication that the Spanish Government had decided to openly play its repressive card, thus responding to the cease-fire called by ETA last September and the increasing strength of the newly found union of Basque nationalist forces. Six alleged ETA militants were arrested in Paris on Tuesday 10 March, on a joint operation by French police and Spanish Guardia Civil. Among those arrested was Xabier Ariskuren, who was singled out by Spanish Police as a leading figure in ETA. Just 24 hours later, the Spanish Police raided several houses in different towns of the Basque province of Gipuzkoa, arresting 10 people supposed to be involved in ETA's Donosti Unit. Guardia Civil members arrested Mikel Egibar, former Herri Batasuna delegate in Paris.
Reactions were immediate, and paint a fairly clear picture of political equilibrium today in Euskal Herria. Herri Bastasuna condemned the arrests as an attack not only against left-wing independence, but against the whole of Basque nationalism as it moves towards sovereignty and peace. Although they did not openly condemn the arrest, PNV and EA -christian democratic and social democratic nationalist parties- clearly said that such acts do not favour the process towards peace and claimed that the Home Ministry ordered the raids on a political basis. PNV leader, Xabier Arzalluz, furthermore, said that ``Madrid will have to pay a price to Paris'' for the arrests, referring to the difficult negotiations in the European Union on Common Agricultural Policies. IU, a Spanish party that nonetheless sides with the nationalists in the Agreements of Lizarra-Garazi, took a similar stand.
The Spanish parties PP and PSOE and their delegations in the Basque Country applauded the raids and criticised moderate nationalists for their positions.
Home Minister Jaime Mayor Oreja, who seems to be gaining strength within his party (PP) and the government, was blatant: ``these operations do not harm the peace process, they endanger nationalist strategy''. He thus describes what is really worrying the Spanish government. This is the strengthening of political, institutional and local collaboration among PNV, EA and HB, and the increasing public opinion in favour of Basque-only decision making on Basque affairs, a firm step towards sovereignty.
To round up the week, Basque political prisoners made public their opinions in their first statement after the cease-fire. ``We will be part of any exchange'', they said in reference to the Spanish government's repeated statement about ``peace for prisoners'' as the only final objective of the so-called peace process. Basque political prisoners tie their future release to the construction of the Basque nation, and salute the links between the nationalist parties, trade unions and community organisations.
After the arrests, in the streets of many towns and cities, petrol-bomb attacks on Spanish parties' premises, on Spanish candidates to local elections cars and businesses, flared up once more, followed up by a rosary of declarations attacking not only the ``petrol kids'' but also Basque nationalism in general.
The events of the week were spiced by ``revelations'' in Spanish papers, stories leaked out by ``sources'' close to the Home Ministry speculating about ETA's immediate plans in Gipuzkoa and as a whole. Among the first was a supposed plan to attack a busload of Guardia Civil schoolchildren; although even official sources denied the story, some media insisted on it. To what purpose? To throw doubts on the sincerity of ETA's cease-fire, implying that it is really a ``sham'', (as minister Mayor Oreja said in September), and to keep up their belligerence on this issue.
The media, are in fact becoming an important part of present-day politics in relation to the Basque conflict. As the Spanish Government has no clearly defined plan to develop negotiations leading to political changes in the Spanish State, the Spanish media as a whole reflects that lack of a steady course, supporting their convictions that Spain cannot be ``split up'' and that Basques have to submit to the will of the whole of the population of the Spanish State. Thus, attacks on Basque nationalism -or non-Spanish nationalism - happen on a day to day basis and are quite virulent. Information is absolutely mixed with opinions, and truth is once more the first casualty of a stagnant situation. The second is a new political process that may lead to a real peace is constantly harassed by the media and by Spanish politicians.
Things have reached such a worrying stage in the media that on Saturday 13 March, about 100 Basque journalists met in Bilbao and launched a proposal for a professional Code of Behaviour in journalism today in Euskal Herria. The document reflects, ``how society is informed acquires special care, especially, in such times as in the Basque Country today, when all conflicts come to the fore and decisions leading to change have to be taken''.
A head-on clash
Six months after the Lizarra-Garazi Agreement -that set the basis for co-operation between nationalists to rebuild the Basque nation and opened the way for ETA's cease-fire, a head-on clash between two ways of securing lasting peace and of establishing the Basque Country has become evident.
Beneath the troubled water, one finds the Spanish government's absolute frozen position, refusing to move prisoners to Basque Country prisons, or at least to an area close to home; stating once again its readiness to talk to ETA but doing nothing to make it possible, and in the media projecting the picture that it is ``the other side'' that does not really want to talk that ``they do not want peace, but independence''.
``Peace - absence of ETA's violence and petrol-bombing- in exchange for prisoners'' and no talk about politics until there is a total, final and lasting cease-fire, and even then within the limits of the Spanish Constitution are their basis.
And that is really it. The conservative Spanish government, and the leading opposition party PSOE are becoming conscious of the fact that Basque nationalists have finally decided to take steps forward and start doing things as far as possible without Madrid's permission. And that means creating a political and social momentum that will eventually force the Spanish institutions to accept the decisions of the Basque people.
Herri Batasuna, 14 of whose leaders are on a week-long fast are calling for ``more political talk'' as the best way to answer the Spanish government's political and police provocation. The nationalists should work together and get things done, gaining credibility in Basque society so they will hold a stronger position when facing Madrid's government. And there is little doubt that Madrid is planning more of the same.
Spanish police registered Herri Batasuna offices
On Tuesday, 15 March, a Spanish judge, Teresa Palacio, ordered the Spanish Guardia Civil to enter the offices of Herri Batasuna in Donosti (San Sebastian). The judge's decision came as a result of the arrest of, Mikel Egibar, who was HB representative in Paris and who is being accused of collaboration with ETA. The police action started at 4.30pm in the afternoon and went on until the early hours the following morning. During the raid, members of the Guardia Civil, took some computers and some other material. On Wednesday, the lawyer of the pro-independence coalition Iñigo Iruin issued a denounciation saying HB understands that the raid, though ordered by a judge, was part of a political motivated strategy towards the criminalisation and possible ban of a democratic party Herri Batasuna.
Three NGOs -the British-American Security Information Council, Safeworld and Norwegian Initiative- denounced some arms dealers and overseas agents within the EU who are using third countries to export arms to Uganda, Sierra Leone and Rwanda, areas that are suffering humanitarian crisis. They also denounced the attitude of European governments who are not putting any effort into prosecuting those responsible.
The report presented by the NGOs names the business Sandline International, which sent arms to Sierra Leone through Bulgaria, and Mil Tec which, using Albania, Bulgaria, Israel and the Democratic Republic of Congo, broke the embargo imposed by the United Nations on Rwanda in 1994 after the massacres between Hutus and Tutsis.
Germany, the country holding the European Presidency, will this month propose a meeting of arms exporters of European Union State members to arrange a license for all arms exports.
However, the NGOs propose to increase the control over arms dealers who live or hold a EU passport, to impose the use of the license to trade arms and the creation of a register that should include all the arm dealers and overseas agents.
While turning a blind eye on the unlawful arm trade to countries suffering grave conflict, the European Union is studying how to unify the criteria used in different member states when granting asylum status to people fleeing those conflicts.
If any week sums up what is going on in the Basque Country over the last few months and what underlies those events, that was last week, from Sunday 7 March to Sunday 14 March. On the morning of March 7, journalist Pepe Rei -who headed the investigative team of the closed down pro-independence daily Egin- was arrested by the Spanish police acting on orders of a well-know judge, Baltasar Garzón, who in close collaboration with the Spanish Home Ministry, is specialising in ``sensitive'' cases relating to pro-independence Basques, from ETA to political organisations. Rei was arrested on a diffuse charge of collaboration with the armed organisation ETA, deriving from the proceedings that led to the shut-down of Egin, eight months ago.
It was the first indication that the Spanish Government had decided to openly play its repressive card, thus responding to the cease-fire called by ETA last September and the increasing strength of the newly found union of Basque nationalist forces. Six alleged ETA militants were arrested in Paris on Tuesday 10 March, on a joint operation by French police and Spanish Guardia Civil. Among those arrested was Xabier Ariskuren, who was singled out by Spanish Police as a leading figure in ETA. Just 24 hours later, the Spanish Police raided several houses in different towns of the Basque province of Gipuzkoa, arresting 10 people supposed to be involved in ETA's Donosti Unit. Guardia Civil members arrested Mikel Egibar, former Herri Batasuna delegate in Paris.
Reactions were immediate, and paint a fairly clear picture of political equilibrium today in Euskal Herria. Herri Bastasuna condemned the arrests as an attack not only against left-wing independence, but against the whole of Basque nationalism as it moves towards sovereignty and peace. Although they did not openly condemn the arrest, PNV and EA -christian democratic and social democratic nationalist parties- clearly said that such acts do not favour the process towards peace and claimed that the Home Ministry ordered the raids on a political basis. PNV leader, Xabier Arzalluz, furthermore, said that ``Madrid will have to pay a price to Paris'' for the arrests, referring to the difficult negotiations in the European Union on Common Agricultural Policies. IU, a Spanish party that nonetheless sides with the nationalists in the Agreements of Lizarra-Garazi, took a similar stand.
The Spanish parties PP and PSOE and their delegations in the Basque Country applauded the raids and criticised moderate nationalists for their positions.
Home Minister Jaime Mayor Oreja, who seems to be gaining strength within his party (PP) and the government, was blatant: ``these operations do not harm the peace process, they endanger nationalist strategy''. He thus describes what is really worrying the Spanish government. This is the strengthening of political, institutional and local collaboration among PNV, EA and HB, and the increasing public opinion in favour of Basque-only decision making on Basque affairs, a firm step towards sovereignty.
To round up the week, Basque political prisoners made public their opinions in their first statement after the cease-fire. ``We will be part of any exchange'', they said in reference to the Spanish government's repeated statement about ``peace for prisoners'' as the only final objective of the so-called peace process. Basque political prisoners tie their future release to the construction of the Basque nation, and salute the links between the nationalist parties, trade unions and community organisations.
After the arrests, in the streets of many towns and cities, petrol-bomb attacks on Spanish parties' premises, on Spanish candidates to local elections cars and businesses, flared up once more, followed up by a rosary of declarations attacking not only the ``petrol kids'' but also Basque nationalism in general.
The events of the week were spiced by ``revelations'' in Spanish papers, stories leaked out by ``sources'' close to the Home Ministry speculating about ETA's immediate plans in Gipuzkoa and as a whole. Among the first was a supposed plan to attack a busload of Guardia Civil schoolchildren; although even official sources denied the story, some media insisted on it. To what purpose? To throw doubts on the sincerity of ETA's cease-fire, implying that it is really a ``sham'', (as minister Mayor Oreja said in September), and to keep up their belligerence on this issue.
The media, are in fact becoming an important part of present-day politics in relation to the Basque conflict. As the Spanish Government has no clearly defined plan to develop negotiations leading to political changes in the Spanish State, the Spanish media as a whole reflects that lack of a steady course, supporting their convictions that Spain cannot be ``split up'' and that Basques have to submit to the will of the whole of the population of the Spanish State. Thus, attacks on Basque nationalism -or non-Spanish nationalism - happen on a day to day basis and are quite virulent. Information is absolutely mixed with opinions, and truth is once more the first casualty of a stagnant situation. The second is a new political process that may lead to a real peace is constantly harassed by the media and by Spanish politicians.
Things have reached such a worrying stage in the media that on Saturday 13 March, about 100 Basque journalists met in Bilbao and launched a proposal for a professional Code of Behaviour in journalism today in Euskal Herria. The document reflects, ``how society is informed acquires special care, especially, in such times as in the Basque Country today, when all conflicts come to the fore and decisions leading to change have to be taken''.
A head-on clash
Six months after the Lizarra-Garazi Agreement -that set the basis for co-operation between nationalists to rebuild the Basque nation and opened the way for ETA's cease-fire, a head-on clash between two ways of securing lasting peace and of establishing the Basque Country has become evident.
Beneath the troubled water, one finds the Spanish government's absolute frozen position, refusing to move prisoners to Basque Country prisons, or at least to an area close to home; stating once again its readiness to talk to ETA but doing nothing to make it possible, and in the media projecting the picture that it is ``the other side'' that does not really want to talk that ``they do not want peace, but independence''.
``Peace - absence of ETA's violence and petrol-bombing- in exchange for prisoners'' and no talk about politics until there is a total, final and lasting cease-fire, and even then within the limits of the Spanish Constitution are their basis.
And that is really it. The conservative Spanish government, and the leading opposition party PSOE are becoming conscious of the fact that Basque nationalists have finally decided to take steps forward and start doing things as far as possible without Madrid's permission. And that means creating a political and social momentum that will eventually force the Spanish institutions to accept the decisions of the Basque people.
Herri Batasuna, 14 of whose leaders are on a week-long fast are calling for ``more political talk'' as the best way to answer the Spanish government's political and police provocation. The nationalists should work together and get things done, gaining credibility in Basque society so they will hold a stronger position when facing Madrid's government. And there is little doubt that Madrid is planning more of the same.
Spanish police registered Herri Batasuna offices
On Tuesday, 15 March, a Spanish judge, Teresa Palacio, ordered the Spanish Guardia Civil to enter the offices of Herri Batasuna in Donosti (San Sebastian). The judge's decision came as a result of the arrest of, Mikel Egibar, who was HB representative in Paris and who is being accused of collaboration with ETA. The police action started at 4.30pm in the afternoon and went on until the early hours the following morning. During the raid, members of the Guardia Civil, took some computers and some other material. On Wednesday, the lawyer of the pro-independence coalition Iñigo Iruin issued a denounciation saying HB understands that the raid, though ordered by a judge, was part of a political motivated strategy towards the criminalisation and possible ban of a democratic party Herri Batasuna.
EU violates arms embargoes
Three NGOs -the British-American Security Information Council, Safeworld and Norwegian Initiative- denounced some arms dealers and overseas agents within the EU who are using third countries to export arms to Uganda, Sierra Leone and Rwanda, areas that are suffering humanitarian crisis. They also denounced the attitude of European governments who are not putting any effort into prosecuting those responsible.
The report presented by the NGOs names the business Sandline International, which sent arms to Sierra Leone through Bulgaria, and Mil Tec which, using Albania, Bulgaria, Israel and the Democratic Republic of Congo, broke the embargo imposed by the United Nations on Rwanda in 1994 after the massacres between Hutus and Tutsis.
Germany, the country holding the European Presidency, will this month propose a meeting of arms exporters of European Union State members to arrange a license for all arms exports.
However, the NGOs propose to increase the control over arms dealers who live or hold a EU passport, to impose the use of the license to trade arms and the creation of a register that should include all the arm dealers and overseas agents.
While turning a blind eye on the unlawful arm trade to countries suffering grave conflict, the European Union is studying how to unify the criteria used in different member states when granting asylum status to people fleeing those conflicts.