Brian Campbell argues that 1997 was a wonderful year for republicans


Study the peace process a week at a time and you'll end up with serious mood swings. Sinn Féin tops the poll in Cavan Monaghan and you're ecstatic; Trimble and Bertie cosy up and you have paranoid visions of doom.

Better to slow down, sit back and take the long view. Contemplate the complexities of the political world a year at a time. If you do, 1997 gives you a warm glow of contentment...with a hint of danger to keep your life interesting.

Contentment is for those in Sinn Féin who will spend Christmas considering how they have performed against the objectives they set this time last year. By any measure, it has been a successful year. In every election in which Sinn Féin stood they upped their vote to record levels.

Like many republicans, my memories of those elections will be vivid for a very long time. In particular, being among a huddled group around a small radio in the election count centre in Banbridge and hearing that Martin McGuinness had triumphed in Mid-Ulster. Or a marvellous morning in Cootehill as the votes for Caoimhghín O Caoláin poured in.

Yet more nationalist votes helped to end Unionist domination in Belfast and made Sinn Féin the largest party for the first time in towns such as Newry.

Even in the election in which Sinn Féin didn't stand - the Presidential election - the result showed the resurgence of nationalism in a way which caused that arch-enemy of Sinn Féin, Eoghan Harris, to reconsider his future in politics.

That knockdown blow for Harris and the revisionists - when they were told by voters in the 26 Counties that Northerners are Irish too - was one of the clearest indicators of the most important trend in Irish politics during 1997: nationalism and republicanism are now confidently mainstream.

And what is most important is that that situation has been created not by the political, media and academic elites who have for so long dominated Irish political debate, but by the people.

Support for nationalism - a desire for a United Ireland based on equality and social justice - is steadily growing.

Small indications are everywhere. One example: in October, a new newspaper, Ireland on Sunday, was launched on the back of market research which saw a gap in the market where the Sunday Press used to be. The paper decided to push a nationalist agenda and expected to sell 40,000 copies each week. Since its launch it has sold around 100,000 copies every Sunday.

Votes and newspaper sales (sales of An Phoblacht have also risen during 1997) are tangible proof of a change in mood, but political power has also been reflected in activism on the streets.

In the Six Counties confident nationalism has asserted itself loud and clear at grassroots level, most decisively on the marching issue. In a truly historic development nationalists took to the streets in July and forced the Orange Order to cancel contentious parades in a number of nationalist areas (see page 25). Make no mistake: times are changing.

The most public expression of the changed times was Sinn Féin's entry into talks. The world's media saw it, quite rightly, as a defining moment. It was also the fulfillment of a key Sinn Féin objective - all-party talks with no preconditions. But it brought an understandable nervousness to some quarters, including nine resignations from Sinn Féin in North Louth.

That nervousness, I would suggest, has partly to do with the secrecy surrounding the talks (participants are pledged to respect a confidentiality clause so information is being leaked to the media which is often a distortion of what is actually happening) and partly a misreading of political realities.

The most pertinent political reality is that Nationalists are a steadily growing force in the Six Counties. Their numbers, their political strength and, most importantly, their confidence in asserting that political strength in elections, against sectarian marches.and in former bastions of Unionism such as Queen's University are growing all the time. Sometimes republicans in the 26 Counties - and I say this in a spirit of debate - don't appreciate the extent of that political strength nor its potential.

Quite simply, it is impossible for a settlement to be imposed over the heads of republicans. If you take a political journey from Newry west along the border right round to Derry, south through Counties Derry and Tyrone, through Lurgan, into Belfast and include a trip to places like Castlewellan and the Glens of Antrim you'll discover not only solid republican support but unbeatable activists who have received an unsurpassed political education from this struggle.

I suspect that the British government - the main players in this - recognise the political strength of republicans. And I suspect even more strongly that Unionists recognise it too. And it frightens the life out of them.

But one note of warning. Our opponents tell us to reduce our expectations. Not a bad suggestion. Definitely one we should take on board. We can't expect things to happen as a matter of course. That is just plain unrealistic.

Instead, republicans have to make things happen. Prison releases? No chance unless the Saoirse campaign becomes an irresistible force. Demilitarisation? Not unless we protest with every bit of energy and imagination we have. Disbandment of the RUC? Only if we make it plain just how unacceptable they are.

That is the message from 1997 to carry into the New Year. And that is where the hint of danger lies. This struggle won't be won inside the negotiating chamber alone. In fact, our enemies would like nothing more than to see republicans' radical tradition of street politics give way to the type of behind the scenes manoeuvres favoured by constitutionalists.

If the slogan at the start of 1997 was `get into talks', at the start of 1998 it should be, `get onto the streets'.

Review of 1997

2 February: In the biggest ever march in Derry an estimated 50,000 people take to the streets to commemorate the 25th anniversary of Bloody Sunday.

12 February: The IRA kills a British soldier, Stephen Restorick, in a single shot sniper attack in South Armagh.

13 February: Amnesty International issues an Urgent Action appeal for the case of Roisin McAliskey.

3 March: Loyalists plant a bomb outside Monaghan's Sinn Féin offices.

14 March: A loyalist death squad enters the home of a Belfast man John Slane and shoot him dead in front of his son.

23 March: A daring escape by republican prisoners in Long Kesh are scuppered following the discovery of a 40 foot tunnel.

18 April: The IRA brings large tracts of England to a standstill with a series of bomb scares affecting road, rail and air facilities.

27 April: Portadown Catholic Robert Hamill is beaten by a loyalist gang as RUC look on. He dies twelve days later from his injuries.

2 May: The electoral landscape of the Six Counties is transformed as Sinn Féin takes two Westminster seats, Gerry Adams winning West Belfast and Martin McGuinness Mid-Ulster.

12 May: Bellaghy GAA member, Sean Brown, is murdered by loyalist gunmen.

18 May: Catholic William Harbinson is beaten to death by loyalists.

7 June: Sinn Féin takes a seat in Leinster House as Caoimhghín O Caolain tops the poll in Cavan/Monaghan.

11 June: Former republican prisoner Patrick Kelly dies weeks after his release. His condition had deteriorated severely while being held in an English prison due to lack of medical help.

16 June: The IRA kill two members of an RUC patrol in Lurgan.

6 July: Nationalists on Portadown's Garvaghy Road are beaten off their street by the RUC to facilitate a pre-Twelfth Orange Parade. Rioting erupts throughout the Six Counties lasting a for a full week in places.

9 July: Loyalist Brian Morton killed as a bomb he was preparing explodes prematurely.

15 July: Loyalists kill Catholic teenager Bernadette Martin as she lies asleep in a friend's house in the County Antrim village of Aghalee.

21 July: The IRA calls a new ceasefire. Putting the blame for the conflict at the British government's door., in a statement it expresses its commitment to enhance the search for a democratic peace settlement.

27 July: The body of a Castlewellan teenager is discovered. James Morgan had been kidnapped by loyalists and subjected to one of the most brutal deaths of the past 30 years.

7 August: Nationalists in Newtownbutler, County Fermanagh, attacked by the RUC before a Black Preceptory march.

8 August: Saoirse relaunched with Martin Meehan as Chairperson.

15 August: Irish language signs at Queens University are removed by the Students Union causing uproar among Gaeilgeoirí and nationalists.

25 August: The report of the McCracken Tribunal is published.indicting a number of politicians - including Charles Haughey

29 August: Direct ruler Mo Mowlam formally invites Sinn Féin to peace talks at Stormont.

17 September: The parties in the Stormont peace talks agree to negotiate on the substantive issues.

3 October: Lurgan man Colin Duffy is released after three months in prison when RUC charges against him prove groundless.

1 November: Mary McAleese wins the presidental election.

13 November: Gerry Kelly pours cold water on reports that Sinn Féin has split.

11 December: A SF delegation led by Gerry Adams meets Tony Blair in Downing Street

Dúirt Siad i 1997

 


We robbed the Irish people of their language and literature.. We colonised Ireland with people loyal to the crown... We drove thousands of Roman Catholics into exile and killed thousands of men, women and children - and we invoke God as our justification. We failed [150 years ago] to feed a starving people...leaving millions to starve or emigrate... We demeaned the Irish people by caricaturing them as stupid, drunken and feckless and when they protested, we met violence with violence. That is why there is an all-enduring sense of injustice.

From an article entitled `Britain owes Ireland an apology' by Canon Nicholas Frayling, Anglican Rector of Liverpool. 29 January.

 


Get some kills.

British soldier on what his orders were on Bloody Sunday, revealed in Sunday Business Post, 16 March.

 


Alan, a cabbie of 30 years, believes John Major made two big mistakes: ``Allowing 400,000 people to lose their homes to the building societies and then, when the IRA called a truce, not sitting around a table with them.

The Observer, 6 April.

 


If I grew up the way these people have, if I'd lived their lives, I'd be fighting the same fight.

Actor Brad Pitt, on his role as an IRA Volunteer in `The Devil's Own'. 11 April.

 


To have a Labour leader who has whacked the unions, sworn the gospel of privatisation, is being adopted by the Sun and who is to be found swearing boy scout oaths in all City institutions must gladden whatever it is that courses through old battleaxe's veins.

Tom McGurk on Margaret Thatcher's reaction to Tony Blair. Sunday Business Post, 20 April.

 


An aberration... A blank cheque for the IRA and their activities.

Séamus Mallon on SF's victories in the Westminster elections. 2 May

 


The historic victories by the republican leadership in Mid-Ulster and West Belfast have dramatically changed Northern Ireland's political map.... The onward march of Sinn Féin marks a historic turning point in the battle for hearts and minds within nationalism.

William Graham, political correspondent, Irish News. 3 May

 


I've still got my thriving church and my gospel singing.

Willie McCrea, brave in defeat. 2 May

 


A `blip' was how David Trimble explained Sinn Féin's record vote in the local government elections. As Winston Churchill might have said: Some vote, some blip.

Irish Times reporter Gerry Moriarty 24 May

 


It must be acknowledged that the Sinn Féin election machine is probably the best in these islands, and has exposed serious organisational weaknesses within its main rival.

Irish News. 24 May

 


I think the SDLP should be put the following notices in all national and local papers. To all SDLP members:

Would all those members who loaned their votes to Sinn Féin for the last elections please return them to SDLP headquarters immediately.

Letter in the Irish News. 3 June.

 


[There is] admiration for the manner in which he has been to the forefront of a campaign to drive the drug pushers out. ``I don't threaten anyone, but I won't stand back from anyone either.''

The Examiner on Sinn Féin's North Kerry candidate Martin Ferris. 3 June.

 


We have emboldened the republican tradition. We in this constituency have faced censorship and state oppression but we have held our heads up high and we have faced them down and today we have had our victory.

Caoimhghín O Caoláin in his victory speech in Cootehill, Co Cavan, after his election as a TD. 7 June

 


This is a remarkable breakthrough. Over the last two months we have broken the mould of Irish politics and my greatest joy is that our victories were all-Ireland victories. Our opponents talk about trains leaving stations, but if we aren't on that train it is going absolutely nowhere.

Martin McGuinness. 7 June

 


The ten month obscenity at Harryville was allowed to continue despite the clear breach of law. Can you imagine what would happen if a crowd behaved in a similar way outside a synagogue in Britain on even one occasion?

Jack McDowell and John Robb. 2 July.

 


Sorry, Ms Mowlam, we just don't believe you.

Post-Drumcree Andersonstown News editorial on Mowlam's explanation for the contents of the leaked NIO `game plan' document on the Drumcree march. 12 July.

 


And they have also instinctively believed that the road to equality is the road that leads out of the Union, they now stand confused at the brink of oblivion.

Tom McGurk on the unionists, Sunday Business Post, 27 July.

 


I said to John Major, `How can I go to the republican leadership and ask them to give up their guns when Fianna Fáil never handed over any guns?'

Former 26 County Taoiseach Albert Reynolds speaking at the PJ McGrory lecture in West Belfast. 7 August.

 


There'd be nobody in there but for a war that's been raging for 27 years in this country.

Former Dublin POW Gerry Burke on his release from Portlaoise Prison.

 


The signs were taken down last night. The Union is doing what it can to lessen the impact, but the simple message going out from this decision is that Irish is not acceptable in Northern Ireland. That is quite simply grotesque, and it is deeply offensive.

Editorial in the Irish News on the removal of bilingual signs at Queen's University. 19 August.

 


Of course there must be equal opportunity for everyone, but not equality. You cannot expect the Irish minority in Northern Ireland to be equal to the majority.

John Taylor. 22 August

 


It is a bleak report. It finds that a former Taoiseach, and a close confidant of another Taoiseach, behaved in a manner that at least opened the possibility of bribery and corruption and at worst may have been criminal.

Editorial in the Irish Independent on the McCracken report, 26 August.

 


How do they propose to achieve lasting agreement in our community if they are going to reject the current process?

John Hume on the attitude of the unionist parties. Saturday 30 August.

 


The ceasefire does not mean peace but the opportunity for peace.

Gerry Adams speaking in the US. 7 September.

 


The only people who consider the unionist population as British are a minor rump of the Conservative Party and the unionists themselves. While pride in your heritage is one thing, delusion is another.

Hugh Sheehy writing in the Irish Times, 13 September.

 


Unionist leader David Trimble positioned UDP leader Gary McMichael and the PUP's David Ervine on either side of him last Wednesday (subliminal message: the pan-unionist front has paramilitary muscle as well; remember Vanguard).

Ed Moloney, Sunday Tribune. 21 September.

 


It is because the principle of consent did not operate in 1920/21 that the peace settlement did not bring lasting peace. There was no consent to the Government of Ireland Act of 1920 which partitioned the island.

Professor Joe Lee. 21 September.

 


[If] Mary McAleese is voted in as head of state by us, then a respectable nationalism will have survived even the worst the IRA did. And that's the southern neo-unionists' ultimate nightmare.

Nuala O Faolain in the Irish Times. 20 October.

 


There is quite simply a massive military presence in South Armagh, the like of which does not exist anywhere else in Ireland or Britain or anywhere else in the Western world.

Seamus Mallon. 8 November

 


We put our view that all the hurt, division and grief that has come from British involvement in our country has to end.

Gerry Adams after his meeting with Tony Blair. 11 December