The Forces Mustered Against Neutrality And For Militarisation Are Substantial, So Too Must The Opposition Be

Irish military neutrality is greatly valued. It has enhanced the reputation of our peacekeepers overseas and allowed Ireland to remain a voice for peace, dialogue and the international rules based order. We are a small nation, on the outskirts of Europe, still scarred by the effects of colonialism, occupation and partition. Our historical and contemporary experiences, whilst unique, give us an invaluable empathy when assessing areas of conflict internationally. We have a proud history of peace and conflict resolution. Our own peace process stands as a beacon for those suffering the horrors of conflict elsewhere. 

We can only maintain this position by preserving our neutrality, defending our independent, sovereign foreign policy and holding true to the practice of genuine non-alignment. 

Preserving the above is becoming increasingly difficult. Neutrality is wrongly portrayed as being weak, indifferent or freeloading. Nothing could be further from the truth. Neutrality, with non-alignment, represents confidence in playing a constructive role on the world’s stage. It represents standing up for international law and human rights. Military neutrality does not mean political or moral neutrality. We condemn, unequivocally, all forms of imperialism, colonialism and military adventurism. Our independent foreign policy allows us to be consistent in condemning aggression from whichever quarter it emanates, against whoever; be that Palestine, Ukraine, Iran, Sudan or anywhere else. We are a small nation and will never be a military power, nor should we aspire to be one. Ireland does need to invest in our own Defence Forces and defence capacity. We face threats and we need to counter them. We need to be able to defend our seas and skies and to that end Ireland must develop radar capabilities, a Cyber Security Command, a dedicated system to counter unmanned aerial vehicles and strengthen our naval defences. 

All actors relevant to foreign policy and defence in Ireland; the Irish Government, the British government and the European Union, are pursuing alternative agendas. 

The Irish Government has made their intentions abundantly clear.  They are intent on dismantling neutrality. In recent months, we have seen action on the dismantling of the Triple Lock Neutrality Protection, participation in the British led Joint Expeditionary Force and statements declaring us as being ‘militarily’ committed. This comes after decades of gradual slide away from neutrality, with examples including joining NATO’s ‘Partnership For Peace’, PESCO and the continued use of Shannon Airport by the armed forces of the United States.

The dismantling of the Triple Lock Neutrality Protection, however, is particularly alarming. The Triple Lock requires the approval of the executive, legislature and UN before more than 12 Irish troops can be deployed. It is a core component of our neutrality and independent foreign policy. The Irish people required assurances that the Triple Lock would be unaffected before the Nice and Lisbon referendums, and it remains hugely popular, with only 35% of the public supporting its removal. Despite this, the Dublin government have taken steps to dismantle this and remove the requirement for a UN mandate. This would open the door for the deployment of Irish troops to a whole variety of missions, including, potentially, major international conflicts, legally questionable peacekeeping missions or gross misadventures. 

Whilst the United Nations has its flaws, it remains the best hope for an international institution capable of upholding and enforcing international law. If Irish peacekeepers begin to participate in mission with no UN mandate, it is conceivable that other countries will question Ireland’s military neutrality.

There is no question that Ireland faces security challenges. Our Defence Forces are in dire need of investment. Not only is this a security consideration, it’s a workers’ rights issue. Our Defence Force personnel are workers – they deserve good wages and conditions, the best of equipment and support, especially if they are to be deployed overseas on vital peacekeeping mission. It is entirely necessary to be strong on defence and strong on neutrality. The current government is weak on both. They are seeking to dilute neutrality and non-alignment whilst continuing to neglect our Defence Forces. In three of the last five years the Irish Government has missed the additional capital funding targets set out in the Commission on the Future of the Defence Forces, totalling a €170 million shortfall.

British government militarisation is particularly repulsive in the context of the dire underfunding of public services in the north of Ireland. Britian is in decline, Britannia no longer rules the waves, yet this Labour government has committed tens of billions of extra spending on weapons of war. This upscaling of militarisation comes after a decade and a half of austerity that has decimated communities. It will come at the expense of working communities in the north of Ireland and across Britain. 

Despite recent developments, Britian will continue to support Israel’s genocide of the Palestinian people and trade arms with dangerous regimes internationally. The people of the north are crying out for the standard of public services they deserve, and that could be delivered for a fraction of the money the government has committed to weapons of war. It is no surprise that that means for us to escape this militarisation, the building of a new and united Ireland, is growing in popularity. 

Von der Leyen’s European Commission has committed €800 billion to the ‘Re-Arm Europe’ project, representing a dramatic ramping-up of the militarisation agenda. The hawks in Brussels clearly want to establish the European Union as a major military power. This was never the plan for the EU. The Irish people, or any other population in Europe, did not sign up for a military project – the European Union should not be a military union. This enormous level of military investment comes at a time when Brussels has refused to commit a financial contribution to the continuation of Peace funding in Ireland. 

These developments have completely overhauled the EU’s own fiscal rules. These rules are always rigid when it comes to spending on the social good; on housing, healthcare or climate action, but appear flexible when it comes to spending on weapons of war. There are also moves within the European Union to remove the unanimity requirement for issues of foreign affairs. Any move away from unanimity would fundamentally alter the nature of the EU and represents a critical threat to Irish neutrality and the grounding of our foreign policy in human rights and international law.

These were all topics explored recently at Volksstimmefest in Vienna, organised by a rejuvenated Kommunistische Partei Österreich. I joined colleagues from the KPÖ, the Party of the European Left, the Belgian Workers’ Party and the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation to discuss these matters at length. Whilst national dynamics are different in each state, and across Europe, the fundamentals of military neutrality, resisting aggressive militarism and the principle of non-alignment are commonly held. 

In detailed discussions it became apparent that co-operation on these themes is essential, as is the building of broad movements to protect them. More than exclusively being in our interest, the model of Irish neutrality is one that can be applied to other nations in Europe. As we drift further towards the total abandonment of the concept of the European Union as a peace project, pertinent examples of the alternative need expression. 

The forces mustered against the causes of neutrality and non-alignment are substantial. In order to preserve that which we hold dear, and that which serves our strategic interests, we need to mobilise and cooperate with fellow travellers. There are initiatives planned across Ireland and Europe in the coming weeks and months. We must learn from each other and present a real alternative to the current, dangerous course of action. 

Let us hold fast to the modernised maxim that inspired our fight for independence over a century ago - we serve neither King, nor Commission, but Ireland.