Issue 2 - 2024 200dpi

10 May 2025

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The spirit of freedom continues to inspire

Colonial rule, partition and separate states in Ireland have all failed.

I started thinking about this article on the 44th anniversary of Bobby Sands’ death on hunger strike in the H-Blocks of Long Kesh. 

The day before Bobby’s anniversary on 5 May, 2025, a spectacular statue in his honour was unveiled in his home neighbourhood of Twinbrook, west Belfast.

Bobby has come to symbolise the Irish spirit of freedom in the modern era. He was a republican revolutionary, a community activist, political soldier, Gaeilgeoir, a remarkable poet, composer, and musician. 

Both nationally and internationally, his legacy is synonymous with the modern political struggle to achieve Irish national self-determination and independence. 

In the decades since his death he has provided inspiration for freedom loving peoples all over the world in their struggles against occupation, colonialism, and injustice - from the townships of South Africa, to the refugee camps of Palestine, the barrios of Latin America, and, so many other places.

At a time when the foundations of the multilateral system, enshrined within the UN Charter and international law, is under attack from key western powers; and as geopolitical relations are being challenged by resurgent imperialism and colonialism; the spirit of freedom personified by Bobby Sands continues to resonate.

The global order is increasingly being shaped by the economic, militarist and colonial priorities of oligarchs, and by insurgent zionism and its allies in Palestine and elsewhere across the Middle East.

The politics of national democracy have never been more important. The right to self-determination has indeed become the defining struggle of our modern times.

In 1981, for tens of thousands in Ireland, especially young Irish people, the hunger strike changed everything. Nothing would ever be the same again.

The period of the H-Block hunger strikes was a watershed in Irish history. It has formed the backdrop to the electoral growth of Sinn Féin; now the largest, dynamic political force in Ireland; and, also the emergence of the Irish peace process, culminating in the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) peace settlement of 1998.

These and other important factors, including Brexit; the growing electoral strength of Sinn Féin in Ireland; the party’s historic breakthrough to become the largest political party in the north of Ireland and to lead the power sharing coalition; have all had a cumulative effect in moving the discussion on Irish unity centre stage. 

Today the focus upon Irish reunification has never been stronger both domestically and internationally; and notably, in recent weeks.

Last month the Sinn Féin ‘Commission on the Future of Ireland’ held a seminar in Brussels at the European Parliament, entitled: ‘The EU and Irish unity - What next?’ 

A diverse audience of MEPs, political staff, from civic society, and the Irish diaspora was in attendance.

I reiterated that the GFA provides the basis for ending Ireland’s partition, ending the union with Britain, and providing for constitutional change on the island of Ireland. Our shared peace agreement was another historic watershed moment because it contains within it a peaceful, democratic pathway to achieving self-determination and reunification.

I said that as the conversation progresses on Irish unity, we need the EU institutions to become as actively engaged as they were, when Europe played a vital diplomatic, political and economic role in helping to deliver the peace process itself.

A united Ireland will impact upon the competencies of the EU, so it is in Europe’s best interest to assist the planning process for reunification.

The enduring good will for the peace process, and commitment to the GFA within the EU now needs to be channelled into helping develop the next phase of the peace process, based upon national reunification and reconciliation.

Days later, the former Taoiseach Leo Varadkar made another enormously significant intervention regarding Irish unity with his speech at an Ireland’s Future dinner in Philadelphia, USA.

He asserted that building a new Ireland, a united Ireland, is the political project of our generation; and correctly stated that it belongs to no one person, political party, section of society, and no individual government. It belongs to all of us who believe in national reunification.

Varadkar emphasised that the GFA provides for a democratic mechanism by which Ireland can be united. In an important observation he highlighted that whilst the British and Irish government are co-guarantors of the Agreement, America is the third guarantor; and then urged Irish Americans to support Irish society to make the next steps in the national journey towards a new, united Ireland: Reunification should be an objective, not just an aspiration.

Ironically in this same period, current Taoiseach, Mícheál Martin, made a speech and gave a lengthy newspaper interview. His remarks conspicuously omitted any positive reference to Irish unity or the need to begin plan and prepare.

Mícheál Martin may well be the Taoiseach, but his lack of commitment to Irish reunification is a minority political position. It also diverges from the pro-unity convictions held by most of his own Fianna Fáil party membership.

However, his stance does present a challenge. The new Irish government failed to embrace an earlier call from Leo Varadkar to adopt Irish unity as a concrete political objective within its ‘Programme for Government’. It ignored the consensus reached by the all-party Joint Oireachtas Committee on the Implementation of the GFA in July 2024, which called on the Irish government to immediately begin planning for reunification.

Securing a debate for a unity referendum under the GFA will require an Irish government to proactively engage with the British government, and to persuade for unity.

There is a democratic imperative on both governments as co-guarantors of the GFA to ensure it is fully implemented. That extends to facilitating a unity referendum, enabling the exercise of self-determination, and also complying with Article 1(2) of the UN Charter.

Irish unity is both a legitimate and reasonable objective. The GFA can make it achievable. It is an idea whose time has come.

In the absence of a joint governmental process to plan and prepare for a united Ireland, the current pro-unity momentum has to be maximised among political parties and within civic society. The political pressure for a unity referendum date to be set needs to be made irresistible.

So, the conversations about Ireland’s future must become more structured and stratified.

A positive, critical mass of political, civic and academic opinion should be systematically mobilised.

The role of the Irish diaspora and broader international community is essential to leveraging the political, diplomatic influence required to secure, and then win a unity referendum. 

Irish unity through self-determination is the way forward.

Colonial rule, partition and separate states in Ireland have all failed.

The people of Ireland deserve better. It is time for self-determination and for the UN Charter and the GFA to be respected and fully applied.

Irish unity will unlock new economic, social and constitutional opportunities.

The island of Ireland is now on the cusp of an exciting era. 

There is a way to a future built upon hope, ambition, fairness and shared prosperity: That is a constitutional settlement which serves the needs of the many, not the few: 

A new Republic inspired by the timeless ‘spirit of freedom’.

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Contributions from key figures in the churches, academia and wider civic society as well as senior republican figures

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