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28 August 2013

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Reporting Castlederg – Context and history

Sinn Féin's Gerry Kelly explains the context of Castlederg to the media

The major omission in all the reporting was context and history. None of the reports explained why republicans were holding the parade, the fact that it was the first republican event held in 19 years, and that unionists march through Castlederg about 20 times a year. Yes, that's 20 x 19, equalling 380 marches

By Roy Greenslade

Former daily newspaper editor in Fleet Street

MEDIA COVERAGE of events in the North is still problematic. Fifteen years on from the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, the reporting remains not only predictably anti-republican but also sadly superficial.

In advance of the 11 August parade to commemorate two IRA Volunteers in Castlederg, newspaper and broadcast news reports were devoted to decrying the fact that it was being held.

It was described variously as "controversial" or "contentious" or "divisive." And, once it was over - passing off without any trouble whatsoever - the same adjectives were trotted out again.

The Irish Times's headline said: "Controversial republican parade opposed by hundreds of protesters". The Irish Independent report began: "A controversial IRA commemoration… passed off peacefully despite a loyalist protest." And RTÉ's online report was similar: "A controversial republican parade has passed off without major incident."

This simplistic line was echoed in the London-based British newspapers and on various BBC reports. The choice of photographs and film clips were significant too, giving greater attention to the protesters rather than the participants.

The Belfast Telegraph devoted its main pre-parade article to the views of those opposing it without any mention, let alone analysis, of the reasons the parade was being staged.

The major omission in all the reporting was context and history. None of the reports explained why republicans were holding the parade, the fact that it was the first republican event held in 19 years, and that unionists march through Castlederg about 20 times a year. Yes, that's 20 x 19, equalling 380 marches.

None pointed out that Castlederg's population of about 3,000 is 63% nationalist and that the wider Derg area is 60% nationalist, as evidenced by three of the five councillors being members of Sinn Féin.

So let's redress the balance with some more hugely important historical facts.

In April 2008, at the initiative of West Tyrone's Sinn Féin MP, Pat Doherty, a committee was set up specifically to combat the sporadic outbreaks of violence that had occurred in previous years during Orange marches.

At the request of nervous unionist representatives, the meetings were held in secret. They were attended by members of the Parades Commission and officers of the PSNI.

The result was wholly positive. Compromises were reached over march routings and bands agreed to mute their music within nationalist areas. In return, nationalists gave up their protests. The violence ended.

Over the course of five-and-half years, there were 58 confidential meetings of the committee. And, each year, the Orange parades - including those to mark the Somme anniversary and the Twelfth - went ahead without any disturbances. All was calm.

And then came a decision by republicans to stage a parade in Castlederg for the first time since 1994 in order to commemorate the deaths of Volunteers Seamus Harvey and Gerard McGlynn, who were killed 40 years ago on active service.

This coincided with the Tyrone Volunteers’ Day, the annual commemoration that honours the 56 Volunteers of the IRA’s Tyrone Brigade and three Sinn Féin activists who lost their lives during the conflict. By chance, the Tyrone County Fleadh also took place six weeks before.

Suddenly, the committee's previous consensus fell apart. Some unionist representatives could not stomach the idea of a single republican parade. They were opposed not only to it being routed through the town centre but to it being held at all.

From then on, there was lobbying of the Parades Commission. In response, the parade's organisers offered a notable olive branch by agreeing - through gritted teeth - to reroute the parade away from the town centre, which is supposed to be a "shared space".

Yet the Apprentice Boys, who held a march the day before the republican parade, were allowed to progress through the centre. Where is the equivalence? And why did the various arms of the media not ask that question themselves?

Only one newspaper columnist raised the matter. Brian Feeney, writing in the Irish News, contended that the objection to republican parades, like the one at Castlederg, demonstrates the continuing belief among unionists that the Orange and loyal orders can march anywhere they like while nationalists require strict controls and cannot "be allowed to march to, or through, a town centre".

He is right about that but wrong when he suggests the bans and restrictions on parades amount to a Sinn Féin "propaganda victory". It is nothing of the sort. The overall media coverage reinforces the continuing myth of republicans being the source of all the trouble in the North.

In fact, the Castlederg parade was so obviously uncontroversial that, from the outset, uniformed PSNI officers mingled with the bands and marchers. There was no rancour. The police had accepted in advance that it would be peaceful.

A further point. The Castlederg media coverage reflected the integrated ideology of unionism and the British Government by implying that one set of victims of the conflict were more deserving of sympathy than the other.

It is seen as natural to promote those who oppose republican commemorations. But imagine the outcry should nationalists have mounted demonstrations on Remembrance Sunday on behalf of their victims? No such thing has ever happened, of course.

And, finally, it would be unjust for nationalists to overlook the hurt that continues to be felt among the unionist population in Castlederg, which was reputed to be the most bombed small town in the North during the conflict.

For their part, unionists have to concede that the hurt is shared by the two communities. That's why the "shared space" should be respected by everyone - and open to all when remembering their dead.

 Roy Greenslade is Professor of Journalism at City University London and writes a daily blog about the media at the Guardian newspaper.

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