Saturday sees the start of Latin America week. Here, the Dublin-based Colombian Network describes the situation in the Latin American country with one of the worst human rights records.


Colombia is acclaimed as Latin America's oldest, most stable democracy. No one doubts its claim to stable government, but its claim to be a democracy couldn't be further from the truth. It has a parliament and elections are held at regular intervals; the constitution guarantees all the fundamental liberties and rights that we are supposed to take for granted. But there is a difference between what is formally guaranteed and what rights can actually be implemented. Its human rights record is one of the worst in the world.

In the mid 1980s it looked like Colombia's future would be so very different to what it is. The government had been negotiating with the guerrillas and they came to an agreement with the FARC (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia) that they could set up a political party in order to create a political space for them as a first step towards an eventual demobilisation. This party was called Unión Patriótica and its name has become synonomous with terror as its members have been targeted for murder. Nobody expected the party to flourish, but to the surprise of the authorities the party did quite well in elections.

     
Political assassinations (excluding those killed in combat) have increased to eleven per day and the death squads have spread into new areas sowing panic and terror as they go. Between 1988 and June 1994 some 25,211 people were victims of political violence in Colombia
The death squads response was not slow in coming. They began a campaign of assassinations against members of the UP which in the four years from 1986 to 1990 claimed 2,500 lives. Councillors, MPs and even presidential candidates were shot dead. Needless to say the demobilisation never took place.

The death squads also targeted the people who voted for the UP.

In Segovia in 1988, after the UP won the municipal elections by a landslide, leaflets appeared in the town threatening to punish the population for its ``betrayal'' of the Liberal Party. On 11 November 43 people were shot dead only yards from the police station whose members looked on passively. This pattern was repeated throughout Colombia until the UP was broken.

In most cases nobody was ever charged and in even fewer cases was somebody actually convicted. Colombian Government figures report that ``in 97 to 99.5 percent of all crimes the lawbreakers are never brought to justice''. The other problem of course is that all crimes committed by members of the army or the police come under the jurisdiction of a military tribunal, where the army investigates the army.

The optimism of the 1980s was well and truly buried as was confidence in the Government's desire or ability to enforce the most basic rights enshrined in its own constitution. The outlook for the 90s is not much better. Despite the fact that the UP is now a spent political force the attacks on their members last year ran at the rate of one every two days.

Political assassinations (excluding those killed in combat) have increased to eleven per day and the death squads have spread into new areas sowing panic and terror as they go. Between 1988 and June 1994 some 25,211 people were victims of political violence in Colombia. This figure includes nearly 8,000 deaths in armed confrontations between the guerrillas and the army. Last year was said to be one of the worst years to date due to the increased death squad activity.

The death squads are now an integral part of the military strategy being employed. The percentage of killings carried out by the army and the police has declined in recent years allowing the Goverment to claim that they are cleaning up their act. However, parallel to this decline there has been a major increase in death squad activity. These groups operate with the moral and logistical backing of members of the armed forces. There is no other explanation for the ease with which they can penetrate heavily militarised zones.

Even the US State Department recognised in its report on Colombia last year that the present administration ``has not taken action to curb increased abuses committed by paramilitary groups, verging on a policy of tacit acquiesence. Even in areas where they had heavy influence, the armed forces seldom restrained paramilitary activity and abuses''.

Furthermore, in 1994 the government created the ``Convivir'' which theoretically are rural defence cooperatives but in practice are a legal cover for the paramilitaries. In the department of Antioquia there are sixty four Convivirs of which fifty are based in the town of Puerto Berrío, home to the XIV brigade of the Colombian army. The fact that most of these associations are in one of the most protected militarised zones proves that their real role is not rural defence but counter insurgency offence.

What is at stake in Colombia? Why such high levels of violence? The answers to these questions are inter-related. Colombia is a wealthy country even if 64% of the population live in absolute poverty and a high number of those live in the street. It is the major producer of coal in South America and one of the largest banana producing nations in the world. This coupled with its large gold, uranium and oil deposits has ensured that Colombia is never far from the thoughts of the large multinationals and the political powers to the north. There are vital economic and political interests to be defended.

Colombia has a long history of imperialist intervention going right back to the buliding of the Panama Canal. Before the canal was built Panama was a province of Colombia. However, at that time it suited the imperialists to build the canal in a country that they could easily control and so Panama was born. The interventionism did not stop there. In 1927 over 1,500 banana workers were killed after going on strike. Such were the lengths that they were willing to go to to protect their position and wealth. Even today similar events take place. Frontino Gold Mines was implicated in the massacre in Segovia. The death squads had used their printing press to print up their death threats.

Serious allegations have also been made against BP about their alleged involvement with death squads. Although nothing has been proved to date a recent motion of the European Parliament called for an investigation into the alleged activities of BP. Alongside the multinationals there is the Colombian oligarchy which has concentrated most of the wealth in the hands of just 68 people.

All this wealth and privilege has been under threat for some time. Since the 1960s a number of guerrrilla groups have operated in the country. Although in the 80s some of them demobilised after negotiations with the government, three are still in operation. They are the FARC which is linked to the Communist Party; the EPL (People's Liberation Army), a Maoist organisation; and the UC-ELN (Camilist Union-National Liberation Army) which is an independent group, although it has a certain sympathy with the Cuban Government. Together these three have over 15,000 members in arms. The largest is the FARC with a geograhical spread over the entire country. Then the UC-ELN which is also spread around the country but with a particular strength in the regions of Santander and the Venezualan border. The EPL is the smallest of the groups, numbering only a thousand and it is also reduced to one small area; Urabá.

The worsening violence in Colombia can be directly attributed to the growth of these organisations and the crude attempts of the military and the death squads to break them. Javier Dario Restrepo, writing in the Colombian newspaper El Espectador described the advance of the guerrillas in the following terms: ``Today armed guerrilla organisations can be found in more than 622 of the 1000 municipalities. The ten years between 1985 and 1995 were sufficient to increase their presence from 173 to 622 municipalities.

``This advance coincided with the new era of elected mayors, which left many of them with their backs against the wall. Many of them are in prison accused by the army of collaborating with the guerrrillas. The others have learned to coexist with a guerrilla that keeps an eye on their handling of the budget etc.'' Of the government he said that the ``military and the government, like bad losers, maintain the proposal of reconquering these 622 municipalities at gunpoint or by imposing military mayors. Turning this phenomenon into an opportunity for peace is in the interests of the people but this doesn't coincide with the military's position which is the same as the governments.''

However, this is only part of the picture. The US sends 52% of all its Latin American military aid to Colombia. On top of this the Colombians also receive aid from Israel. This is done under the guise of a war on drugs. In the popular press drug barons have been equated with the guerrillas or, as they are sometimes termed, the narco-guerrillas. However, while it is true that some peasants grow coca in the regions controlled by the guerrillas none of the organisations are involved in the production and marketing of cocaine. This is done elsewhere. There is no shortage of evidence to point the finger at the army and some politicians. Even the President has been accused of financing his campaign with drug money. No one doubts whether drug money was used or not, it's all a question of if the President knew or not.

In Río Frío thirteen people were shot dead for refusing to sell their land to a drugs baron. At the time the local army commander claimed they had been killed in an armed confrontation between his men and the guerrillas. It later emerged that they were murdered. He was never charged but he was made to resign. The accusation of narco-guerrilla is a case of the guilty pointing the finger at the innocent.

Despite the repression popular organisations exist and continue to work in building a new Colombia There are some 2000 small trade unions which account for only 7% of the active population. However, alongside them there are numerous rural communal action committees which involve most of the peasant population. Lastly, there are the human rights groups which function throughout Colombia. These organisations continue despite the threats which have been made against them. Many of their members continue to be targeted by the death squads.

The media doesn't offer much of a voice of opposition. Most of the major newspapers are controlled by members of the oligarchy and those independent minded journalists who choose to speak out are also targeted. 40% of all journalists killed in Latin America in the last decade were killed in Colombia. Occasionally more subtle forms of censorship are used.

According to the US State Department's report, ``The National Television Commission threatened to review the licence of the television newscast `24 HOURS' unless the news director appeared before the commission and justified an interview with a foreign ambassador that was critical of the President. The threat was an obvious effort by Samper administration allies on the commission to intimidate newscasts into softening their stances toward the Government''.

The church in Colombia does not provide a voice or a forum for the oppressed as it has done in other Latin American countries. Although the church hierarchy will condemn excesses by the army they are not a leading voice of opposition. Liberation theology never took root amongst the hierarchy and ever since Camillo Torres was killed in the mountains after joining the guerrillas the church has been fearful of being identified with his legacy. This is not to say that individual priests and nuns are not active on the ground. However they are small in number and have their own problems with the church. Although it should be pointed out that the UC-ELN is led by a Spanish priest Manuel Peréz which makes the church even more reticent to speak out.

Colombia has come under the spotlight for its repeated violations of human rights. Amnesty International and other organisations have worked hard to bring to public attention the real situation in Latin America's oldest

``democracy.'' Even the European Parliament and the US state department have been forced to recognise that all is not well in Colombia. What is needed in Colombia is a complete arms embargo until the human rights situation improves and those officers involved in human rights abuses are removed from the army and charged. The international community must share part of the blame for having turned a blind eye to what is going on in Colombia.

Latin American Week

From Bananas to Blockades

 


12 to 19 April 1997

 


Saturday 12 April


 


Dublin

12 noon-2.00pm

``Banana Dream'': Street theatre from St. Stephen's Green to O'Connell Street.

8.00pm

Intercultural Disco. Viatores Christi, 39 Upper Gardiner Street. No charge, all welcome. Contact Madge Carberry, 053-34479

 


Cork

10.30am-12.30pm Public Meeting: ``Under the Skin of the Banana Trade'' with Gilbert Bermudez of the Banana Workers' Union of Latin America. Connolly Hall, Lapps Quay. Contact Sheila Dillon at 021-275622 or Neil O'Connell, Comhlámh, at 021-502244.

1.00pm Street theatre throughout the city centre.

1.00pm-4.00pm Participatory creative workshops for second-level students. Connolly Hall, Lapps Quay. Contact Sheila Dillon, Trócaire, at 021-275622.

 


Sunday 13 April


 


Cork

11.00am Romero Mass at a Travelling Community halting site. Contact Mary Cronin, Traveller Visibility Group, 021-503786.

 


Dublin

6.30pm Public Meeting: ``Preparing for the 2nd Intercontinental Gathering for Humanity and Against Neoliberalism''. Garden of Delight (opposite Burdocks), Castle Street, Dublin 2. Contact Maria Carnicer, Irish Mexico Group, 01-6760435.

 


Monday 14 April

 


Cork

8.00pm Table Quiz. Nemo Rangers H&F Club. Contact Neil O'Connell, Comhlámh, 021-502244.

 


Galway

8.00pm Slide show and discussion on Nicaragua. Contact Heike Vornhagen, One World Centre, 091-565589.

 


Waterford

8.00pm Public Meeting: ``From Bananas to Blockades'' with Javier Dominguez from Cuba and Gilbert Bermudez from the Banana Workers' Unions of Latin America. World Development Centre, O'Connell St. Contact Clare Keegan, World Development Centre, 051-73064.

 


Tullamore

8.00pm Slide Show and Talk on Brazil with Myriam Bergin and Jefferson Nascimiento. Phoenix Arms Hotel. Contact Olive, 0506-52361.

 


Tuesday 15 April


 


Portlaoise

8.00pm Public Meeting: ``Democratic Genocide'' with Gearóid O'Loinsigh of the Colombian Network. Lone Parents Centre, 25 Church Street (near Jim's Country Kitchen). Contact Tim Crowley, 0502-61185.

 


Dublin

8.00pm Public Meeting: ``Cuba: Island Under Siege'' with Teresita Trujillo and Javier Dominguez followed at 9.30pm by traditional Irish music session. Brazen Head Pub, Bridge Street, Dublin 8. Contact Cuba Support Group, 01-6761213.

 


Wednesday 16 April


 


Belfast

7.30pm Public Meeting: ``From Bananas to Blockades'' with Teresita Trujillo from Cuba. One World Centre, 4 Lower Crescent. Contact Stephen McCloskey, 08-01232-241879.

 


Cork

8.00pm Public Meeting: ``Cuba: Island Under Siege'' with Javier Dominguez from Cuba. Imperial Hotel. Contact Marian Nolan, 023-274746.

 


Dublin

11.00am-4.00pm El Salvador Awareness Open Day: Videos, art, literature and much more (with coffee). Romero Room, St Clare's School Avenue, 63 Harold's Cross Road. Contact Sr Peter, 01-4964138.

 


Dundalk

8.00pm Public Meeting: ``Under the Skin of the Banana Trade'' with Gilbert Bermudez of the Banana Workers' Unions. Contact Oisín Coghlan, LASC, 01-6760435.

 


Tralee

10.00am-2.30pm KADE open day: ``Salsa!: a Celebration of Latin America'' including a puppet show and music and food. Siamsa Tire. Contact KADE at 066-28155.

 


Thursday 17 April


 


Cork

11.00pm Cuban Film: ``Gauntanemera''. Kino Cinema, Washington Street. Contact Neil O'Connell, Comhlámh, 021-502244.

 


Dublin

``Land, Life and Liberty in Brazil: One year on from the El Dorado Massacre'': 12.00-1.00pm Picket on the Brazilian Embassy, Europa House, Harcourt St. Dublin 2. 7.30pm Video and discussion. Comhlámh, 10 Upper Camden Street, Dublin 2. Contact Irish Brazil Solidarity Group, 01-6760435.

5.00pm ``Remembering Romero''. Readings from ``My People, My Prophet''. Oak Room, Mansion House. Contact Sr Peter, 01-4964138.

8.00pm Late ``Fiesta'' with DJ Robert Navan (Club Voodoo), and the Happy City Samba School. Mother Redcaps, Back Lane, Christchurch, Dublin 8. £4 and £2 concession.

 


Galway

7.30pm An evening of poetry, music and discussion. Readings by Rita Anne Higgins, music by Frankie Gavin of DeDanan, speaker: Javier Dominguez. Le Graal, Lower Dominick Street. Contact Billy Cameron 091-76701.

 


Friday 18 April


 


Cork

11.00pm Cuba Film: ``Guantanemera''. Kino Cinema, Washington Street. See Thursday above.

 


Portlaoise

8.00pm ``An Turas go Perú, Samhradh `96'' le Fionntán O'Súilleabhain. Lone Parents Centre, 25 Church Street (near Jim's Country Kitchen). Contact Tim Crowley, 0502-61185.

 


Saturday 19 April


 


Cork

11.00pm Cuban Film: ``Guantanemera''. Kino Cinema, Washington Street. See Thursday above.

 


Dublin

10.30am-4.30pm National Conference: ``Just Bananas - Unjust Blockades''. ATGWU Hall, 55 Middle Abbey Street, Dublin 1. Morning: Bananas. Video, speakers, workshops. Afternoon: Cuban Blockade. Speakers (including Roisín Boyd) and discussion. Stalls galore. Contact Oisín Coghlan, LASC, 01-6760435.

6.00pm Dinner in Restaurante Latino, 8 South Great George's Street. To book contact Oisín Coghlan, LASC, 01-6760435.