5 March 1997 Edition

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Mála Poist

Flemish, not Belgian



A chairde,

In an article about the action taken by Flemish MPs (An Phoblacht 5 February) the author writes about ``a delegation of Belgian MPs''

What might be seen as a detail in the eyes of the Irish people, is a point of great annoyance for the Flemish activists and nationalists who are trying to achieve some respect and recognition for their Flemish identity. Starting in the second half of the 19th century, after many occupations by the French imperialist armies (Louis XIV, Bonaparte etc.) Flemish activists fought for the recognition of their language and in consequence their identity. The foundation of the so called ``Belgian State'' (and you should know that there is no Belgian people, no Belgian language) was an artificial construction resulting from the struggle between Prussia, France and Britain.

It was obvious that the government and the administration, the education etc. of the new-created state were French, even if the majority of the population was Flemish. We had no schools, no university, and Flemish speaking was forbidden in all the schools. In fact French was the language of the rich, the powerful rulers, the bishops: they oppresed the Flemish people, living in the north of the new state by avoiding their demands for an equal status.

With the further rise of disputes over language rights, Flemish activists pressed for territorial autonomy: the political Flemish movement was born during the great war, when 80% of the so called ``Belgians'' were in fact Flemish young boys, whose officers didn't speak Flemish, and often sent them to death in a language that was not theirs and which they didn't understand, I'm sure that Irish people understand that.

Through years of struggle generations of Flemish activists fought for our rights and always kept the ideal, the hope alive. Flanders was formally recognisedin the early 1960s, when the Belgian state was partitoned along the historical ``language borders'' between French and Flemish speaking, between Walloons and Flemish.

Between 1970 and 1993 constitution revisions transformed the Belgian construction into a sort of federal state and the Flemish movement gained many of its demands. But the Belgian state still exists, and autonomy does not mean independence.

Even after those transformations, problems between Flemish and Walloons were not solved. More and more people began to realise that only the total dissolution of Belgium and the independence of Flanders can bring a solution for the future.

The solidarity with other regions and people fighting for their rights or their independence originates from our own experience and history of oppression. Therefore the Flemish movement has a tradition of supporting Irish nationalists. Our political movement was born in the year of your Easter Rising. Several of our movements, groups and individuals set up marches, hold pickets at the British embassy, support Gaelic education etc. Now we support the actions about Irish republican prisoners, the Saoirse campaign, the demands of the Roisin McAliskey and the Bloody Sunday committee.

We want you to know that we fully support the republican movement in the six counties and that we stand behind you. We hope that there can be an equal amount of respect towards our Flemish identity and language, our people and our culture.

So, do not call us ``Belgian'' We are Flemish and we are proud to be so!

Joris Nachtergaele
Chairman of the Vlaams-Nationale Studenten Unie (Flemish-Nationalist Students Union)

Compromising on socialism



A Chairde,

I felt I had to respond to Sean McMahon's letter in Mala Poist 12 February.

Although I have no intention of ignoring the national struggle in Ireland, or excluding those with objections such as McMahon's, I believe that his comments are detrimental to the Republican Movement.

Although Cuba has certainly failed in respect to political democracy, it has been rather successful economically and socially.

Despite the horrific and illegal embargo, the infant mortality rate of Havana is lower than that of Washington DC. There is nowhere near as much racial tension in Cuba as there is here in the US, or (more recently) in Ireland.

Cuba is a strong supporter of anti-imperialists. As such, Fidel Castro has enjoyed a very good relationship with Nelson Mandela. He was one of many socialist leaders to publicly mourn the death of Bobby Sands.

I would suggest that the republican struggle should not be viewed in a way that limits it to Ireland and the Irish. An approach based on narrow nationalism and confined to a geographical entity and/or ethnicity could have a number of ill-effects:

1) It could develop into national chauvinism, and/or isolationism.

2) It likely would obscure the class struggle going on inside Ireland, as this approach would imply that territorial and national unity is all that's required for freedom.

3) There is also a global class struggle, intensified by the rise of transnational corporations. An exclusively national struggle will not deal with this economic imperialism.

I do acknowledge that the Republican Movement has been supportive of international struggles against imperialism and has in turn received support from others.

As a socialist, I am attracted to SF's socialism, and promote the republican cause among the US Left. But as far as the general public goes, I would suggest that republicans remain committed to socialism. It's more important to be right than it is to be marketable.

Republicanism is an anti-imperialist, revolutionary and democratic force and why should republicans compromise their values just so that they are slandered a little less by our corporate-owned media?

Tom Shelley
Boulder, Colorado

Fair play to him



A chairde,

Following An Phoblacht's TV review of 12 February, Sinn Fein in Donegal felt it necessary to respond to an article which personally attacked Bernard McHugh, as some readers may feel the article was representative of republicans in the county.

The article itself, the content of which I would not repeat, can only be described as both thoughtless and disgraceful. By now the people in the north of Ireland and Donegal, in particular, don't need to be reminded of the true nature of Bernard McHugh. In the weeks that have followed Bernard's success on ``Blind Date'' few could count the number of occasions he has appeared on TV, radio, in newspapers and at public functions, and at no time did Bernard attempt to play any character other than himself.

The cool, calm and comical way in which Bernard performed was simply an expression of the type of through-going and humorous person he is. Had Bernard wished to sound like Cilla Black or Gay Byrne he wouldn't be the person that his native Carrick in rural Donegal are now so proud of.

Bernard has remained in the limelight in Donegal since and apart from this disappointing article I haven't heard anyone say anything of Bernard other than ``Fair play to him''.

Martin Brogan
PRO
Donegal Comhairle Ceantair
Sinn Fein

An Phoblacht
44 Parnell Sq.
Dublin 1
Ireland