Gregory Campbell's words an attack on parity of esteem at Stormont talks

» Declan Kearney

The Traditional Unionist Voice, the Orange Order and the UVF have more traction with DUP leadership figures than any pragmatic or liberal opinion

TIMING is everything.

Gregory Campbell’s gratuitous mockery of the Irish language in the Assembly on Monday was not the ill-considered contribution of an inexperienced political representative, nor was it spontaneous. 

His intention to ridicule the use of Irish, and to cause offence was deliberate.  It was intentional. He said so several times during interviews on Tuesday.

Campbell has purposely offended all those who use and learn the Irish language; the Irish-medium education sector; mono and bi-lingual families; teachers and students; and from all sections of the community.

Attack is sometimes chosen as the best means of defence. So when challenged about his disgraceful behaviour, Campbell said he had nothing to apologise for. In fact, he became indignant and angry that he should be even asked.

Gregory Campbell thinks that he is above reproach. 

Unionist politicians don’t ‘do’ humility or self-criticism. For some very senior leaders of political unionism, sectarianism and racist attitudes are acceptable.

That mindset fuelled the ethos of the unionist one-party, mono-cultural state which existed in the North for 50 years. 

It’s why unionist politicians publicly legitimised the past actions of unionist paramilitary death squads and openly fraternised (and still do) with UVF and UDA paramilitaries.

Nobody in the DUP has disassociated that party from Campbell’s comments. And, nobody will.

His repudiation of Irish culture gives another green light for others to behave the same. His was a full-frontal assault against the principles of parity of esteem and mutual respect – in short, against the Good Friday Agreement.

This incident comes as the fourth week of Stormont talks begin, ostensibly to address the unresolved issues of identity, parades and dealing with the past, among others.

That provides the clue to understanding the timing of this particular intervention and the predictable fall-out.

The DUP is a divided house. 

Some in the party are absolutely opposed to power-sharing and partnership government – even at the cost of collapsing the political institutions.

Those who opposed power-sharing between the DUP and Sinn Féin, and later transfer of policing and justice powers, are again setting the agenda. They are the real authority in the DUP.

The party’s leadership team is fractured. There is no cohesive political strategy other than to play the talks long and block any more political change. It’s a familiar pattern.

Tactical management and manoeuvring for internal influence, and regarding the handling of the Stormont talks, is the order of the day.

That’s where Gregory Campbell fits in. 

His remarks were about putting down markers and asserting his own negative, anti-Agreement position for both internal party and public media consumption. 

Nor is Gregory Campbell simply speaking for himself.

Of course, the DUP is no monolith. There are bound to be some in that party who are privately embarrassed by Campbell and who would otherwise embrace parity of esteem and mutual respect; who would support power-sharing and would, moreover, honour agreements.

However, the reality is that Gregory Campbell is more representative of mainstream DUP thinking. And the Traditional Unionist Voice party, the Orange Order and the UVF have more traction with DUP leadership figures than any pragmatic or liberal opinion.

This combined influence will dictate both the DUP and Ulster Unionist Party approaches to the talks. Gregory Campbell was telegraphing confirmation that their agenda will not include agreement to parity of esteem, respect for cultural diversity, and far less implementation of Acht na Gaeilge.

As to any chance of an adult conversation about building a shared future soon . . . don’t hold your breath.