Sinn Féin devised a political strategy that brought us from military
stalemate to the centre of politics on this island. In the Six Counties
Sinn Féin has overtaken the SDLP and in the 26 Counties Sinn Féin are in a
strong position to become kingmakers after the next general election.
The party has delivered on numerous issues -- the UDR and RUC reserve have
been disbanded; blatant political and religious discrimination is a thing
of the past; British withdrawal and a united Ireland are on the agenda of
every political party on this island.
Sinn Féin abolished the 11 plus, opposed water charges, campaigned for the
RPA and much more.
Sinn Féin has demanded the transfer of policing and justice powers from
England within an Agreed Timeframe, and the make up and workings of the
Department.
Political Policing is still part and parcel of the PSNI. If Sinn Féin is
successful in the negotiations and manages to ensure that the balance of
power rests in the Assembly and not in Whitehall it is my opinion that
republicans should come at this issue with a very broad outlook.
Sinn Féin is attempting to ensure that there will be no more Seán Hoey's, no
more Diplock Courts, no more supergrasses, no more plastic bullets and no
more collusion or cover-ups. All this is only possible when power and
accountability over policing is in the hands of Irish people not faceless
Brits in Whitehall.
Republicans can come at this from an ideological position of never
recognising British Rule in Ireland or we can come at it from the
realisation that the Brits are here and how do we ensure that their
influence is weakened as every day passes. The current Sinn Féin position
will, if successful, weaken the British grip on Ireland. It's about holding
this state to account while we struggle to tear it apart.
Is mise,
Sean Doherty,
Derry.
A chara,
It is clear that Sinn Féin has been placed in a difficult position in terms
of arranging an Ard Comhairle to debate the issue of republican support for
policing in the North, given the DUP's reneging on previous commitments
given over the timescale for the devolution of policing and justice.
Therefore, it is my view that the British government need to make it clear
to the DUP that they intend to devolve these powers within a particular
timeframe, and introduce legislation to that effect. It's important to bear
in mind that Sinn Féin was prepared to make a major compromise on this
issue, as there would inevitably have been a period of time, possibly a
year, where it would have to work the policing structures in the absence of
local control.
Unfortunately, although it has been a massive achievement to get the DUP
through the Good Friday Agreement turnstiles, it needs to be borne in mind
that they are far from being ardent supporters. They still appear to be
operating in fantasy mode, dreaming of some distant utopia, a latter day Tir
na nOg of voluntary coalition with the SDLP, and Sinn Féin banished to the
political wilderness due to their inability to support the police. It is,
therefore, important to ensure that those who feel that they have most to
gain from delaying the devolution of policing and justice, namely the DUP,
are disabused of the view that they have any power to do so.
Such a move by the British government would enable Sinn Féin to move forward
with its plans to debate this issue, and would ensure that the context for
making such a fundamentally important decision was not poisoned by unhelpful
comments by the DUP about 'political lifetimes'.