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27 February 2003 Edition

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British collusion Brigadier posted to the Gulf

BY LAURA FRIEL


British Prime Minister Tony Blair was recently described by one of his own backbench MPs as the true heir to Margaret Thatcher. Diane Abbott was commenting on her party leader's enthusiasm for America's pending imperialist adventure in the Middle East but this week's events concerning Britain's dirty war in Ireland gives substance to Abbott's words beyond the original observation.

In the late 20th century, the then British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, personally presided over the activities of one of the most secret units within the British Army. Through the operation of the covert Force Research Unit, the British state engaged in one of the most serious crimes of any body politic, commissioning the murder of citizens within its own jurisdiction.

According to former FRU operatives, all details of the covert unit's activities, including assassinations, were passed to Margaret Thatcher and the British Cabinet during her premiership. Among around 200 people believed to have been killed as a direct result of British collusion with loyalist paramilitaries is Belfast defence lawyer Pat Finucane.

In the early 21st century, the current British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, has presided over the ensuing cover up. Instead of pursuing a clear break with a discredited past, Tony Blair has chosen to carry the mantle of a former Tory Prime Minister and utilise rather than dismantle some of the most dangerous, anti-democratic forces within the British state.

Last week, London Metropolitan police chief John Stevens announced that he was preparing papers for the Director of Public Prosecution regarding Brigadier Kerr and up to 20 former and serving RUC/PSNI officers and British soldiers concerning evidence of collusion in the killing of Irish citizens in the North.

But even as he announced the pending prosecution cases, Stevens knew it would be unlikely to be brought to trail. He had played his part, (14 years of so-called investigations and not a single successful prosecution) Stevens told the media, but it would be up to the DPP and the Attorney General to decide whether to charge Brigadier Kerr and the others.

In the event, the British Ministry of Defence decided to thwart even the pretence of due process by posting the Brigadier to the Middle East within days of Stevens' announcement. Until recently, Kerr had been serving in one of the most senior diplomatic roles available to a serving British soldier as the British government's military attaché in Beijing.

With predictable arrogance, a spokesperson from the British MoD dismissed criticism about the posting. "As far as I'm concerned, Brigadier Kerr is a senior serving officer and he will be deployed as we see fit," he said.

Shifting responsibility for the decision back to John Stevens, the MoD spokesperson continued: "We do not see how his current posting is relevant to the Stevens inquiry. It would only be relevant if the police had said that Brigadier Kerr should remain in the country. That wasn't said."

"This posting makes Kerr untouchable," a senior military source told a Scottish newspaper. "He is not going to be dragged away from essential war work in an operational theatre to talk to the police or prosecutors. Kerr has landed on his feet with this posting. It shows that the whole of the Stevens inquiry is nothing but a whitewash. He is never is going to end up in a court of law.

"This posting keeps him safe and protects those in the army who are above him, and those politicians who were in power when the FRU was carrying on these activities in Ulster, from ever having to answer nasty questions that might arise through him being arrested or charged."

At the height of the collusion controversy, in the late 1980s and the 1990s, Kerr was the commanding officer of the Force Research Unit, one of the most secret units within the British Army. During this period, the British government reorganised, rearmed and redeployed unionist paramilitaries. Through a network of agents, Gordon Kerr and his FRU operatives, selected targets, provided intelligence and organised assassinations.

Behind the smokescreen of "taking the war to the IRA", the British state colluded in the murder and attempted murder of unarmed republicans, political activists, and the families, including children and pensioners, of known republicans and Sinn Féin politicians, Catholic civilians and even defence lawyers Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson.

Kerr's ruthless methods extended even beyond those who the British state identified as its enemies. An illustration of the depths to which Kerr was prepared to descend is the killing of Margaret Perry. An FRU agent working within the IRA believed a girl with whom he was having a relationship had discovered he was working as an informer.

Fearing exposure, Greg Burns contacted his FRU handlers and informed them that his position, and that of two close associates also acting as informers, had been compromised. FRU agents are promised 'resettlement' packages if their cover is blown but Kerr refused and instructed Burns to get himself out of the mess.

The refusal meant only one thing and Kerr was aware that Burns' next move would be to murder Margaret Perry. Burns' associates, Aidan Starrs and Johnny Dignam, lured Margaret into travelling across the border to 'visit' her lover, who had checked himself into a hospital. Margaret Perry was driven to a forest where she was strangled and beaten to death. Her body was discovered in June 1992. Burns, Starr and Dignam were executed by the IRA a short time later.

Last December, Kerr was interviewed by the Stevens' team inquiry into the killing of Belfast defence lawyer Pat Finucane. Following the interview, Stevens indicated that he had gathered significant evidence to charge Kerr, along with others. But even before Kerr's posting to the Gulf, few believed he would ever be brought to trial.

"This latest development shows clearly that the [British] government not only supports Kerr but will protect him should he need protection from possible prosecution," said Pat Finucane's son, Michael.

"I have no confidence in John Stevens' investigation ever producing a successful prosecution, certainly not against a [British] Army brigadier," said Michael, now a Dublin solicitor.

"The circumstances surrounding the murder of my father clearly show British Army and British government collusion. This policy of collusion continues even to this day, except that instead of colluding with loyalists, the British Army and government are colluding with each other to ensure that the matter stays covered up."

The complete cynicism with which the British state is prepared to operate is clear by this final irony. It is believed that Kerr's role in the Gulf will involve the post-war prosecution of key members of Saddam's regime for crimes against humanity.

Tony Blair, Maggie Thatcher - it seems a British Prime Minister is a British Prime Minister is a British Prime Minister.

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