25 February 1999 Edition

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Mála Poist

IRA disarmament



James F. Clarity's New York Times dispatch of February 17 reported ``sweeping changes in the political structure'' of British-occupied Ireland designed to give the Catholic nationalist population a measure of power that would aid in bringing to an end the vicious sectarian discrimination made possible by the British presence in that part of Ireland.

Unfortunately, First Minister David Trimble is doing his best to make sure that these tokens of reform thrown to the victims of British sectarian rule will be as ineffectual as possible by insisting upon the disarming of the Irish Republican Army thus violating the Good Friday Agreement. (GFA)

If Trimble and his Orange sectarian cronies were to have their way, the Catholic nationalist population would be at the absolute mercy of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), just as they were over thirty years ago when their just demands for equality in housing, voting, and employment were met with the club-toting, trigger happy sectarian zealots of the RUC.

Nevertheless, Trimble, and the Orange sectarian bigots he represents, insists upon retention of the Royal Ulster Constabulary in spite of its brutal record of violence against Catholics over the years. This sectarian police force, designed for a state created to favour one religion is scheduled to be abolished or radically reformed according to the GFA.

And yet Trimble and his sectarian cronies continue to oppose disarming this Orange gang of sectarian thugs that has sustained the Trimbles and their ilk in power since 1920.

After all, in America we no longer have all-white police forces patrolling areas where African-Americans live. When a police force is created in British- occupied Ireland that is truly representative as are the police in America, then and only then will it be possible for the IRA to disarm.

William Gartland
[email protected]
5634 Hanna Road
Rio, WI 53960

A Chairde

The referendum and subsequent elections demonstrated the overwhelming wish of people for peace in this country. The ``Agreement'' was eventually achieved due to two factors absent in all previous attempts at a political solution; no party was excluded; and, Unionists were not allowed to exercise their normal veto.

The Sinn Fein peace strategy began formally with our ``Scenario for peace'' document in 1987. A period of intensive discussion, consultation and persuasion led in 1994 to a ceasefire, when the IRA was persuaded that a chance existed for recognition of our political mandate and with it, an opportunity for genuine political progress.

Despite claiming that they had no room to manoeuvre and that they wouldn't touch the Agreement with a 20-foot barge pole, the Unionists were persuaded otherwise. Agreement was reached on essential issues, the referendum vote confirmed a popular accomodation and a process was established. Agreement called for courage from all participants and the process continues to demand commitment and nerve in the face of opposition from the ``no'' men.

Instead of capitalising on the progress made, Unionists have undermined the process by insisting on IRA decommissioning before Sinn Fein can participate in the assembly positions that we were elected to fill. No party has worked harder for peace than Sinn Fein and all parties to the agreement, including ourselves, are committed to decommissioning. Our role under the ``agreement'' is to use our best endeavours to ``achieve the decommissioning of all paramilitary arms within two years''. The mechanism exists to test our commitment with a determination from General De Chastelain.

In the history of our conflict, none of the paramilitary bodies within Ireland has previously addressed decommissioning. Many groups have either faded into oblivion, or become ``respectable'' political parties. Indeed, the PUP's David Ervine reminded the assembly of the relationship between those on the unionist benches and armed loyalist gangs. Of course IRA disarmament must take place, but it will occur within the terms already agreed and in the context of comprehensive demilitarisation. This means collectively addressing issues such as replacement of the RUC, the withdrawal of the British army, the closing of military installations, a review of legally held guns and the removal of repressive laws.

In playing to extremists within and beyond his party. David Trimble has attemped to use decommissioning as a weapon against republicans. He is prepared to bring down the agreement in order to exclude republicans from the process. In doing so he assists the DUP, Red Hand Defenders Orange Volunteers, Continuity and ``real'' IRA, rather than the ``real'' peacemakers.

PRO
Barney Boswell Cumann
Sinn Fein
Newington

Abdullah Ocalan


Dear Sir,

The crisis regarding the arrest and impending trial of Abdullah Ocalan in Turkey has at least raised the profile of the Kurdish people in that country. The mass protests by Kurdish people across Europe and also in the US and Middle East demonstrates the outrage and frustration of these, most of them refugees from Turkey.

These militant Kurds are products of Turkey's `scorched earth' policy against the PKK, a policy which involved the evacuation of up to three million Kurdish civilians, potential suppliers of logistical support to the Kurdish guerrillas operating in the harsh, mountainous border regions between Turkey and Iraq and Turkey and Iran. These exiles organised, educated and outspoken, have been demonstrative this week in their frustration at their host countries' positions towards Turkey, most of whom have been less than vociferous on the human rights abuses which provoked this migration.

Kurdistan Solidarity Ireland is concerned now about the safety and fair trial of Abdullah Ocalan, especially as he has already been denied access to international lawyers of his choice. We are alarmed at the statements emanating from Ankara about a `victory over terrorism'. They are unhelpful, to say the least, in dissipating mounting tensions and do not bode well for a fair trial for Mr Ocalan. No assurances are forthcoming that the trial or detention will reflect international human rights law and the Turkish government still has refused to guarantee that Mr Ocalan will not face the death penalty. This detention and trial should expose Turkey to international scrutiny. Kurdish exiles around the world are now entitled to expect that international opinion will insist that Turkey comply to international norms and law.

Yours sincerely,

Anne McCluskey & Latif Serhildan


An Phoblacht
44 Parnell Sq.
Dublin 1
Ireland