26 February 1998 Edition
British are protagonists, not neutrals
By Seán Brady
There is no getting away from the fact that the entire Peace Process is in now jeopardy and that what people should concentrate on is how we can rescue the situation so as to move forward towards a democratic peace settlement. But it is useful to examine the series of events which led us to the current precarious position, so they can be avoided in any future attempts to build a real Peace Process.
The mosts recent and most damaging crisis was caused by the expulsion of Sinn Féin - representing over 40% of nationalist opinion in the Six Counties, as well as many more voters throughout the island - from political negotiations. We have been plunged into a national crisis on the word of one Ronnie Flanagan Chief Constable of the RUC, a discredited and sectarian militia whose word is accepted at face value by the British Prime Minister.
But in many ways what is worse is that a Dublin government and also the SDLP accepted the view of the British Prime Minister acting on advice from the RUC. This incident, as well as precipitating what could be total disaster for the current process, highlights the core of the problem in Ireland and the way in which the current process has failed to come to grips with that core issue.
At the heart of the conflict in Ireland is the legacy and current reality of the British government as protagonists to the conflict and the central, over-riding role of the British state in sustaining the causes of conflict.
The RUC, on whose advice the British Prime Minister acted, are recognised not only by republicans but by majority opinion in Ireland and abroad as being part of the problem here. They have no support within the nationalist community. They are an overwhelmingly Protestant and entirely Unionist force which over seven decades has maintained unionist privilege and political power through repression and force of arms. It is from such a force that Tony Blair takes advice regarding events on the ground in the north of Ireland. No Irish government and no Irish nationalist party should acquiesce in such a charade. That they have done so makes the prospects for moving forward more difficult.
Prior to the expulsion of Sinn Féin the multi-party talks were in a seriously sterile condition. There was no movement towards any sort of substantive negotiations. The unionists refused point blank to engage in any serious way, not only with Sinn Féin but with Irish nationalists in general. They merely sat on their hands and opposed everything in the manner which has become their political hallmark.
Meanwhile unionist killer gangs, some of whom were represented at the talks, launched a sustained killing campaign against the civilian nationalist population. Pressure on both fronts by the combined forces of unionism resulted in the British government caving in and producing the Propositions on the Heads of Agreement, yet another proposal for an internal settlement. Faced with taking on the unionists or pressurising nationalists to accept less than their due, they chose the well-worn path of all their predecessors.
The incorrect assumption which has underlain much of the commentary and analysis around the multi-party talks part of the current Peace Process was that the British were neutral brokers between warring Irish factions. But it is the British government which must provide the impetus for Unionists to politically engage. The failure of successive British governments to do this over the years has been the main factor in sustaining conflict. Until they change this policy the British government are choosing to remain in the role of colonial occupier, underwriting Unionist hegemony in the Six Counties.
It would be a mistake on the part of the representatives of Irish nationalism to miss this point. For if our political leaders are not to point out to the British their responsibilities for resolving the situation who will?.
Mary Nelis was unable to write her column this week due to injuries received in a recent accident. All the staff at An Phoblacht wish Mary a speedy recovery.
There is no getting away from the fact that the entire Peace Process is in now jeopardy and that what people should concentrate on is how we can rescue the situation so as to move forward towards a democratic peace settlement. But it is useful to examine the series of events which led us to the current precarious position, so they can be avoided in any future attempts to build a real Peace Process.
The mosts recent and most damaging crisis was caused by the expulsion of Sinn Féin - representing over 40% of nationalist opinion in the Six Counties, as well as many more voters throughout the island - from political negotiations. We have been plunged into a national crisis on the word of one Ronnie Flanagan Chief Constable of the RUC, a discredited and sectarian militia whose word is accepted at face value by the British Prime Minister.
But in many ways what is worse is that a Dublin government and also the SDLP accepted the view of the British Prime Minister acting on advice from the RUC. This incident, as well as precipitating what could be total disaster for the current process, highlights the core of the problem in Ireland and the way in which the current process has failed to come to grips with that core issue.
At the heart of the conflict in Ireland is the legacy and current reality of the British government as protagonists to the conflict and the central, over-riding role of the British state in sustaining the causes of conflict.
The RUC, on whose advice the British Prime Minister acted, are recognised not only by republicans but by majority opinion in Ireland and abroad as being part of the problem here. They have no support within the nationalist community. They are an overwhelmingly Protestant and entirely Unionist force which over seven decades has maintained unionist privilege and political power through repression and force of arms. It is from such a force that Tony Blair takes advice regarding events on the ground in the north of Ireland. No Irish government and no Irish nationalist party should acquiesce in such a charade. That they have done so makes the prospects for moving forward more difficult.
Prior to the expulsion of Sinn Féin the multi-party talks were in a seriously sterile condition. There was no movement towards any sort of substantive negotiations. The unionists refused point blank to engage in any serious way, not only with Sinn Féin but with Irish nationalists in general. They merely sat on their hands and opposed everything in the manner which has become their political hallmark.
Meanwhile unionist killer gangs, some of whom were represented at the talks, launched a sustained killing campaign against the civilian nationalist population. Pressure on both fronts by the combined forces of unionism resulted in the British government caving in and producing the Propositions on the Heads of Agreement, yet another proposal for an internal settlement. Faced with taking on the unionists or pressurising nationalists to accept less than their due, they chose the well-worn path of all their predecessors.
The incorrect assumption which has underlain much of the commentary and analysis around the multi-party talks part of the current Peace Process was that the British were neutral brokers between warring Irish factions. But it is the British government which must provide the impetus for Unionists to politically engage. The failure of successive British governments to do this over the years has been the main factor in sustaining conflict. Until they change this policy the British government are choosing to remain in the role of colonial occupier, underwriting Unionist hegemony in the Six Counties.
It would be a mistake on the part of the representatives of Irish nationalism to miss this point. For if our political leaders are not to point out to the British their responsibilities for resolving the situation who will?.
Mary Nelis was unable to write her column this week due to injuries received in a recent accident. All the staff at An Phoblacht wish Mary a speedy recovery.