18 December 1997 Edition
A view from the West
H-Block escaper Pól Brennan writes from his prison cell in California
It never rains but it pours, at least as far as news goes for me 6,000 miles away at Federal Detention Center, Dublin, California.
Just this week alone, I learned that most or all of our POWs in English jails are to be repatriated back to Ireland. Yesterday Sinn Féin's visit to 10 Downing Street was reported and today, word of an escape from our old alma mater, the Kesh. Indeed, a good week for Republicans.
However, the real news is nowhere to be found in the US media; namely, the lack of commitment to the peace talks by the Unionists, who from the start have tried to undermine all efforts by Sinn Féin to engage in meaningful dialogue.
The unionists seem to be there mainly to erect obstacles and moan. They haven't come up with anything remotely progressive or viable, only what they know to be wholly unacceptable to Republican nationalists, such as a return to Stormont.
The British are plainly aware of Unionist obstructionism, and have even found it useful at times, but if peace is going to be allowed to break out, it's up to them to ensure that the foot-dragging does not continue.
The Official Unionists cannot be permitted to hold a veto on a hard-won agreement towards a workable peace simply because they are too frightened to break out of their old entrenchments. The near total lack of flexibility from their quarter is unacceptable if we are to reach what is ultimately our common goal, peace.
The white South Africans and the Israelis have moved forward (albeit haltingly and only in the wake of armed resistance), then the Unionists should also be made to do so. It's time for David Trimble to bite the bullet and start talking directly with Sinn Féin about solutions which will take every man, woman and child in the Six Counties towards a working peace.
As we approach the millennium, there is much talk of new beginnings, new eras and new changes. We can find existing solutions in the recent past which are consistent with those concepts, solutions that would allow for accommodation of the unionists' wish to remain British within a unitary state. One of these is dual citizenship (arriving at a settlement should not be about ramming Irishness down anybody's throat).
Others are to be found in the latest history between Britain and China. Though they hadn't much choice in the matter, the British eventually returned Hong Kong to the Chinese. Using the scenario they employed in Hong Kong would be a sane, calm way to initiate their departure from the Six Counties.
By simply designating a date for withdrawal a number of things could be accomplished: not only would it present the unionists with a fait accompli but it would also give them time to absorb the ramifications of the upcoming change and provide a chance to realise that their best interests would be better served as 20% of a unitary state rather than 2.6% of the United Kingdom.
It would be a decompression period that would enable greater interaction between the two communities to explore new ways to dismantle the barriers that we have thrown up over the years, to forgive and rebuild trust on both sides. It could be a time when an economic revitalisation programme for the North could further facilitate more community integration at the work place, a time to disband the RUC and reconfigure an unarmed police force drawn initially from the communities they would be policing.
The possibilities are many and varied. For everyone's sake, I hope we are at the stage where we can work it out amongst ourselves and avoid returning to the physical and emotional ravages of armed conflict.
This won't be easy. There are many on both sides who wish otherwise. The pitfalls are numerous so each of us must proceed carefully. Destabilising any peace process, especially one as fragile as ours, is an easy task as evidenced in the Middle East, Bosnia and elsewhere.
Anyhow, that's how things look to me here in California. The outcome of our own battle against extradition is, of course, tethered to the evolving security policies of Britain and the US.
The 1986 revised extradition treaty is now the model for any such future arrangements, especially with those countries whose repressive internal policies could result in politically embarrassing exiles showing up on the shores of these United States. This treaty circumvents any political exclusion clauses in extradition cases and as such will enhance our attempts to regain bail while the appeals go forward.
We maintain that the present state of affairs in the North and the prominence of the issues of political prisoners do indeed constitute the ``special circumstances'' necessary to allow bail in extradition cases. We wait in hope.
Finally, I'd like to issue belated and heartfelt words of gratitude to Martin McGuinness and Caoimhghín O'Caoláin for their recent visit to us here in these California prisons.
Upon arriving in the San Francisco Bay area, Martin postponed the welcome of local officials and well-wishers to come immediately from the airport to meet individually with Terry Kirby, Kevin Artt and myself. They gave us their undivided attention for hours, providing a tremendous morale boost to us and our families while reminding everyone that Irish political prisoners of war are a high priority among the chief negotiators for peace in Ireland.
Beir bua.
It never rains but it pours, at least as far as news goes for me 6,000 miles away at Federal Detention Center, Dublin, California.
Just this week alone, I learned that most or all of our POWs in English jails are to be repatriated back to Ireland. Yesterday Sinn Féin's visit to 10 Downing Street was reported and today, word of an escape from our old alma mater, the Kesh. Indeed, a good week for Republicans.
However, the real news is nowhere to be found in the US media; namely, the lack of commitment to the peace talks by the Unionists, who from the start have tried to undermine all efforts by Sinn Féin to engage in meaningful dialogue.
The unionists seem to be there mainly to erect obstacles and moan. They haven't come up with anything remotely progressive or viable, only what they know to be wholly unacceptable to Republican nationalists, such as a return to Stormont.
The British are plainly aware of Unionist obstructionism, and have even found it useful at times, but if peace is going to be allowed to break out, it's up to them to ensure that the foot-dragging does not continue.
The Official Unionists cannot be permitted to hold a veto on a hard-won agreement towards a workable peace simply because they are too frightened to break out of their old entrenchments. The near total lack of flexibility from their quarter is unacceptable if we are to reach what is ultimately our common goal, peace.
The white South Africans and the Israelis have moved forward (albeit haltingly and only in the wake of armed resistance), then the Unionists should also be made to do so. It's time for David Trimble to bite the bullet and start talking directly with Sinn Féin about solutions which will take every man, woman and child in the Six Counties towards a working peace.
As we approach the millennium, there is much talk of new beginnings, new eras and new changes. We can find existing solutions in the recent past which are consistent with those concepts, solutions that would allow for accommodation of the unionists' wish to remain British within a unitary state. One of these is dual citizenship (arriving at a settlement should not be about ramming Irishness down anybody's throat).
Others are to be found in the latest history between Britain and China. Though they hadn't much choice in the matter, the British eventually returned Hong Kong to the Chinese. Using the scenario they employed in Hong Kong would be a sane, calm way to initiate their departure from the Six Counties.
By simply designating a date for withdrawal a number of things could be accomplished: not only would it present the unionists with a fait accompli but it would also give them time to absorb the ramifications of the upcoming change and provide a chance to realise that their best interests would be better served as 20% of a unitary state rather than 2.6% of the United Kingdom.
It would be a decompression period that would enable greater interaction between the two communities to explore new ways to dismantle the barriers that we have thrown up over the years, to forgive and rebuild trust on both sides. It could be a time when an economic revitalisation programme for the North could further facilitate more community integration at the work place, a time to disband the RUC and reconfigure an unarmed police force drawn initially from the communities they would be policing.
The possibilities are many and varied. For everyone's sake, I hope we are at the stage where we can work it out amongst ourselves and avoid returning to the physical and emotional ravages of armed conflict.
This won't be easy. There are many on both sides who wish otherwise. The pitfalls are numerous so each of us must proceed carefully. Destabilising any peace process, especially one as fragile as ours, is an easy task as evidenced in the Middle East, Bosnia and elsewhere.
Anyhow, that's how things look to me here in California. The outcome of our own battle against extradition is, of course, tethered to the evolving security policies of Britain and the US.
The 1986 revised extradition treaty is now the model for any such future arrangements, especially with those countries whose repressive internal policies could result in politically embarrassing exiles showing up on the shores of these United States. This treaty circumvents any political exclusion clauses in extradition cases and as such will enhance our attempts to regain bail while the appeals go forward.
We maintain that the present state of affairs in the North and the prominence of the issues of political prisoners do indeed constitute the ``special circumstances'' necessary to allow bail in extradition cases. We wait in hope.
Finally, I'd like to issue belated and heartfelt words of gratitude to Martin McGuinness and Caoimhghín O'Caoláin for their recent visit to us here in these California prisons.
Upon arriving in the San Francisco Bay area, Martin postponed the welcome of local officials and well-wishers to come immediately from the airport to meet individually with Terry Kirby, Kevin Artt and myself. They gave us their undivided attention for hours, providing a tremendous morale boost to us and our families while reminding everyone that Irish political prisoners of war are a high priority among the chief negotiators for peace in Ireland.
Beir bua.