1 May 1997 Edition
Big Ben - symbol of gombeen politics
BY MICHEAL MacDONNCHA
Westminster politicians have Big Ben, the House of Commons clock, as their symbol. Leinster House politicians now have their own Big Ben - Ben Dunne, the largest single donor to Fine Gael, contributor to Labour's campaign for the Robinson presidency, alleged financial saviour of Charlie Haughey and dispenser of tidy sums to miscellaneous Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael candidates throughout the state.
The Payments to Politicians Tribunal at Dublin Castle has proved to be an embarassment to both government and opposition. John Bruton and Dick Spring had to give evidence, and for Bruton the experience has tarnished the carefully contrived image of the man who would bring transparency and accountability and spotless integrity to government. While huge attention has focused on the role of Charlie Haughey, Fine Gael's hopes of shifting the spotlight off themselves have been dashed.
It was the exposure of Bruton's ``best friend'', Michael Lowry, that set off the chain of events that led to the tribunal. The Transport, Energy and Communications Minister got over £200,000 from Ben Dunne to build an extension to his Tipperary house without planning permission. Bruton defended his close friend and resisted calls for his resignation. So also did Democratic Left leader Proinsias de Rossa. But Dick Spring forced the issue and Lowry had to go.
Lowry later had to admit in Leinster House that he had availed of the tax amnesties - the same tax amnesties that Fine Gael in opposition had called ``cheaters' charters''. When a Sunday newspaper inquired of TDs whether or not they had similarly benefited from the amnesty both Bruton and Spring, unlike the vast majority of TDs, refused to reveal. A spokesperson for Spring, John Foley, said his gut reaction was ``it's none of your fucking business''.
Giving evidence to the tribunal on Monday Bruton said he had been ``intensively involved'' in approaching business people for money in 1991. He had already admitted in Leinster House earlier this year that Fine Gael central coffers had got £180,000 from Ben Dunne between 1987 and 1993, plus a total of £9000 for various individual candidates. However, in his evidence to the Beef Tribunal in 1992 Bruton had said that he was not involved in soliciting contributions for his party and did not generally find out who had given funds to Fine Gael.
Clearly Fine Gael profited more than any other party from their relationship with Ben Dunne. The Dunne/Haughey relationship is intriguing, but it appears that it was Haughey alone who benefited and there is every sign that Fianna Fáil may have been feeling aggrieved that they were cut out. Now that the lid is off the can of worms, though, they may be grateful that they were not awash with Dunne's money.
Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil still expect people seriously to believe that the bankrolling of one of the main political parties in the state, and of a serving Taoiseach, by one of the biggest businessmen in the state, did not have a bearing on policy, either directly or indirectly, or that such a donor does not have privileged access to the corridors of power.
The tribunal is likely to have some influence on the date of the general election. Because of the arrangement of government business speculation now centres on 6 June but opinion poll advice to the Coalition may change that. One thing is certain about that campaign when it comes - Fine Gael, Labour and Democratic Left will be attempting to bury the sordid details of business and politics revealed at the tribunal and to swamp the electorate in hype about the Tiger Economy. They should not be let away with it.
Westminster politicians have Big Ben, the House of Commons clock, as their symbol. Leinster House politicians now have their own Big Ben - Ben Dunne, the largest single donor to Fine Gael, contributor to Labour's campaign for the Robinson presidency, alleged financial saviour of Charlie Haughey and dispenser of tidy sums to miscellaneous Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael candidates throughout the state.
The Payments to Politicians Tribunal at Dublin Castle has proved to be an embarassment to both government and opposition. John Bruton and Dick Spring had to give evidence, and for Bruton the experience has tarnished the carefully contrived image of the man who would bring transparency and accountability and spotless integrity to government. While huge attention has focused on the role of Charlie Haughey, Fine Gael's hopes of shifting the spotlight off themselves have been dashed.
It was the exposure of Bruton's ``best friend'', Michael Lowry, that set off the chain of events that led to the tribunal. The Transport, Energy and Communications Minister got over £200,000 from Ben Dunne to build an extension to his Tipperary house without planning permission. Bruton defended his close friend and resisted calls for his resignation. So also did Democratic Left leader Proinsias de Rossa. But Dick Spring forced the issue and Lowry had to go.
Lowry later had to admit in Leinster House that he had availed of the tax amnesties - the same tax amnesties that Fine Gael in opposition had called ``cheaters' charters''. When a Sunday newspaper inquired of TDs whether or not they had similarly benefited from the amnesty both Bruton and Spring, unlike the vast majority of TDs, refused to reveal. A spokesperson for Spring, John Foley, said his gut reaction was ``it's none of your fucking business''.
Giving evidence to the tribunal on Monday Bruton said he had been ``intensively involved'' in approaching business people for money in 1991. He had already admitted in Leinster House earlier this year that Fine Gael central coffers had got £180,000 from Ben Dunne between 1987 and 1993, plus a total of £9000 for various individual candidates. However, in his evidence to the Beef Tribunal in 1992 Bruton had said that he was not involved in soliciting contributions for his party and did not generally find out who had given funds to Fine Gael.
Clearly Fine Gael profited more than any other party from their relationship with Ben Dunne. The Dunne/Haughey relationship is intriguing, but it appears that it was Haughey alone who benefited and there is every sign that Fianna Fáil may have been feeling aggrieved that they were cut out. Now that the lid is off the can of worms, though, they may be grateful that they were not awash with Dunne's money.
Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil still expect people seriously to believe that the bankrolling of one of the main political parties in the state, and of a serving Taoiseach, by one of the biggest businessmen in the state, did not have a bearing on policy, either directly or indirectly, or that such a donor does not have privileged access to the corridors of power.
The tribunal is likely to have some influence on the date of the general election. Because of the arrangement of government business speculation now centres on 6 June but opinion poll advice to the Coalition may change that. One thing is certain about that campaign when it comes - Fine Gael, Labour and Democratic Left will be attempting to bury the sordid details of business and politics revealed at the tribunal and to swamp the electorate in hype about the Tiger Economy. They should not be let away with it.