Release Róisín

A Chairde,

Following the recent abuses of Róisín McAliskey, one must question the sincerity not just of the British government towards Irish prisoners but also of the German establishment.

The answer is of course sadly obvious, the German and British authorities have the same selfish vested interests, in which EU politics come before the health and human rights of a mother and her child.

There are other examples from the so-called Western Democracies of their shared interests, for example the arms trade for which Germany and Britain have a multi-million pound industry supplying arms to Indonesia and other dictatorships.

Now that the Irish government has been treated as a convenient doormat by both of these governments (so much for being a good European) it is up to republicans to push for Róisín's release.

Colm Nolan,
Dublin 12.

McAliskey and Articles 2 and 3

A Chairde,

There should be no doubt in people's minds that the treatment of Róisín McAliskey is in breach of her human and civil rights. However, there is another right which is also being violated by the German government's request to have her extradited, that is her political rights as an Irish citizen, which emanate from Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution and Article 6 of the Irish Citizen and Nationality Acts of 1957 and 1986.

Had Róisín been living south of the border, the state would refuse to extradite her to Germany, as it did in the case of James Corry. By continuing to seek Róisín, Germany is showing a disregard for the Irish Constitution (as well as support for Britain's callous violations of her human and civil rights).

It is also worth noting that Articles 2 and 3 have further significance in terms of Irish-German relations. Article 23 of the German constitution of 1949, which allowed the reunification of Germany to take place in 1992 without need of a referendum in other EU states, is based on the text of these Irish articles.

Also, ever since we joined the European Community, we have always respected Germany's constitution and supported the terms of the Treaty of Rome which gave special economic aid to the German regions which were badly affected by partition.

I hope that our Minister for Foreign Affairs will be reminding the German Ambassador of the above and of the good relations which have always existed between both states long before the Treaty of Rome came into being.

However, should Germany continue to pursue an Irish citizen against whom they have only the flimsiest evidence and who bears no resemblance to any of the suspects shown in German police photo-fits issued after the Osnabruck bombing, well I'm afraid they will not be winning any friends in this part of Europe. A first step to demonstrate the Irish people's disapproval of their actions could be a boycott of their goods and tourism.

Fionntán O Súilleabháin,

Baile Atha Cliath 7.

Opportunities to advance

A Chairde,

While its analysis is often problematic, `Towards a Lasting Peace in Ireland' identified elements necessary for peace: essentially that both governments make ending partition their policy. The peace strategy has not achieved this. All the other nationalist parties support the unionist veto and there is no consensus beyond all-party talks.

Nonetheless, opportunities exist to advance republican objectives. These include: disarray within unionism; an opportunity for electoral gains; no direct censorship; and a broader engagement with rights issues such as Bloody Sunday, Róisín McAliskey and Orange marches.

A tactical approach to these opportunities should include a strong, clear assertion of republican objectives. The slogans for talks and peace are insufficient: polls show strong support for talks and declining support for a `United Ireland'. Alongside this we can develop tactical positions to create space for movement and propaganda: these should challenge nationalist rhetoric; be consistent with republican objectives; be reasonable and realisable.

Possible approaches could include:

without accepting the principle of consent, the concept could be developed. Those who advance it should apply it equally to all. If consent allows a local majority to opt out of a 32 County state, then local majorities can also opt out of the Six County state. Here republicans would reject majoritairism in favour of democratic principle;
expanding the demand for parity of esteem to constitutional issues: if unionists can participate in a British state, parity demands that nationalists can participate in an Irish state at the same time;
demanding that any talks be on a 32 County basis, including not only political parties, but all the other sections of society, social, economic, community, etc.
Unionism can be addressed through dialogue, ie private discussion, public debate, articles, interviews and publications, co-operation, development of our own policies. It must be real dialogue, not patronising, addressing unionists as and where they define themselves.
Without ignoring their importance for individuals, rights issues can be used to develop republican politics and to radicalise nationalists and others: eg. the McAliskey case raises questions around justice and punishment, republican and state approaches to them, womens' control over their bodies, etc.
These suggestions form part of the tactical application of a republican strategy. The crucial and radical thrust of such a strategy will come from integrating the everyday social, economic and political struggles with the struggle against partition. As we consider the implications of this and the absence of a credible unarmed strategy against partition, we should focus on the centrality of partition and the British presence. We can seize the opportunity presented to advance a radical republican agenda. As ever, the choice is ours.

`No Other Law',
Dublin.

Remove British forces

A Chairde,

In light of recent events involving the British Army and the RIR it seems that as a so-called peacekeeping force they are biased against the Irish nationalist population in the Six Counties.

Is it not true that the British occupying forces are the main target for the Irish Republican Army?

Could it be logical then to assume that if the main target was removed, an IRA ceasefire could be guaranteed?

Are there parents in England yearning for their son's return alive and not in a box? They should pose the question too, whether it's worth it or not.

A complete removal of the British Army and the installation of a non-partial peacekeeping force would be a very serious move forward towards settling the conflict.

F. O'Snodaigh
Dublin

Real US politics

A Chara,

I hope Mary Nelis's rant about Senator Edward Kennedy and Irish Americans is not reflective of Sinn Fein opinion generally. I thought the idea was for the party to reach out to create new alliances as part of the peace strategy. Mary obviously seems more comfortable feeling marginalised and sorry for herself than being part of a movement which now includes the President of the United States who is actively seeking a just settlement in Northern Ireland. Unfortunately real politics involves such compromise and new bedfellows. A picket outside the British Embassy doesn't cut it any more, Mary, if you want to achieve real impact in American politics.

Incidentally, Senator Kennedy's nephew, Joe, who has a very different political perspective was the person who called for Gerry Adams to be banned.

Niall O'Dowd
Publisher
Irish Voice Newspaper,
Irish America Magazine

Hendron not snubbed

A Chairde,

Féile an Phobail is celebrating 10 years, and on Tuesday 25 March we officially opened our new premises. Teach na Feile was officially opened by founding member Gerry Adams. Albert Reynolds, Roy Garland, Frances Black, Shane Connaughton, and hundred of people from the local community attended and participated. We launched our 10th anniversary leaflet and in it published messages of support from President Mary Robinson, Mayor Ian Adamson, Stephen Rea and Robert Ballagh.

We are concerned that your readers may have been misinformed by subsequent press coverage that Dr Joe was not invited. I would like to put on record that I sent Dr. Joe Hendron a personal invitation to the opening. I rang the SDLP office to confirm that he received the letter and was informed that he had.

Féile an Phobail is a dynamic, community festival that gets bigger and better every year. We have a year round programme that includes, Classical Bursary and Concert, Community Radio Station, Artists Collective, Film Festival, Youth Festival, Drama, Debate and Discussion.

Our summer Feile will take place from 3-10 August this year and we invite all your readers to participate. Last year more than 100,000 people from all over Ireland, Europe, North and South America, and South Africa attended our varied programme.

Caitriona Ruane,
Director,
Feile an Phobail.